Showing posts with label Basic Law. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Basic Law. Show all posts

Monday, July 8, 2024

Upgraded Basic Law Drafting History Online database (July 2024)

๐Ÿ“š✨ ๐„๐ฑ๐ฉ๐ฅ๐จ๐ซ๐ž ๐ญ๐ก๐ž ๐‚๐จ๐ฆ๐ฉ๐ซ๐ž๐ก๐ž๐ง๐ฌ๐ข๐ฏ๐ž ๐‡๐ข๐ฌ๐ญ๐จ๐ซ๐ฒ ๐จ๐Ÿ ๐‡๐จ๐ง๐  ๐Š๐จ๐ง๐ '๐ฌ ๐๐š๐ฌ๐ข๐œ ๐‹๐š๐ฐ ๐ฐ๐ข๐ญ๐ก ๐Ž๐ฎ๐ซ ๐”๐ฉ๐ ๐ซ๐š๐๐ž๐ ๐ƒ๐š๐ญ๐š๐›๐š๐ฌ๐ž ๐…๐ž๐š๐ญ๐ฎ๐ซ๐ž๐ฌ! ✨๐Ÿ“š
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Perfect for researchers, students, and legal enthusiasts, the HKUL Digital Repository is your gateway to the rich history of Hong Kong's Basic Law drafting process.
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๐Ÿ“š✨ ไฝฟ็”จๆˆ‘ๅ€‘ๅ‡็ดš็š„่ณ‡ๆ–™ๅบซๆŽข็ดข้ฆ™ๆธฏๅŸบๆœฌๆณ•็š„ๅฎŒๆ•ดๆญทๅฒ! ✨๐Ÿ“š
ๆˆ‘ๅ€‘ๅพˆ้ซ˜่ˆˆๅœฐๆŽจๅ‡บๅ…จๆ–ฐๅ‡็ดš็š„้ฆ™ๆธฏๅŸบๆœฌๆณ•่‰ๆ“ฌ้Ž็จ‹่ณ‡ๆ–™ๅบซ!๐ŸŽ‰๐Ÿ”็œ‹็œ‹ๆˆ‘ๅ€‘็š„ๆ–ฐๅŠŸ่ƒฝๅฆ‚ไฝ•ๆๅ‡ๆ‚จ็š„็ ”็ฉถ้ซ”้ฉ—:
๐Ÿ”น ไปคไบบ่ˆˆๅฅฎ็š„ๆ–ฐๅŠŸ่ƒฝ:
๐Ÿ”๐Ÿ“œ ๅ…จๆ–‡ๆœ็ดขๅŠŸ่ƒฝ: ่ผ•้ฌ†ๅœจๆ–‡ไปถๅ’Œๅœ–ๅƒไธญๆŸฅๆ‰พไฟกๆฏ。
๐Ÿ’ป๐ŸŒŸ ็”จๆˆถๅ‹ๅฅฝ็š„็•Œ้ข: ่ผ•้ฌ†้ซ˜ๆ•ˆๅœฐๅฐŽ่ˆช。
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็„ก่ซ–ๆ˜ฏ็ ”็ฉถไบบๅ“ก、ๅญธ็”Ÿ้‚„ๆ˜ฏๆณ•ๅพ‹ๆ„›ๅฅฝ่€…,้ฆ™ๆธฏๅคงๅญธๅœ–ๆ›ธ้คจๆ•ธ็ขผๅ…ธ่—ๆ˜ฏๆ‚จ้€šๅพ€้ฆ™ๆธฏๅŸบๆœฌๆณ•่‰ๆ“ฌๆญทๅฒ่ฑๅฏŒๅ…งๅฎน็š„้–€ๆˆถ。
๐ŸŒ✨ ็ซ‹ๅณๅœจ https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/bldho ้–‹ๅง‹ๆ‚จ็š„ๆ—…็จ‹
ๅ‡็ดšๆ‚จ็š„็ ”็ฉถ้ซ”้ฉ—,็ซ‹ๅณๆทฑๅ…ฅไบ†่งฃๆˆ‘ๅ€‘็š„่ณ‡ๆ–™ๅบซ!



Monday, February 27, 2023

Po Jen Yap on Judging Hong Kong's National Security Law (new book chapter)

"Judging Hong Kong's National Security Law"
Po Jen Yap
in The National Security Law of Hong Kong: Restoration and Transformation,
Edited by Hualing Fu Michael Hor (Hong Kong University Press, July 2022),
Chapter 7, pp. 149-166
Introduction: An hour before the twenty-third anniversary of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region's (HKSAR) establishment, the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress (NPCSC) bequeathed a new National Security Law (NSL) to Hong Kong.  Presented as a "birthday gift", this offering was prepared behind closed doors - the details were not subject to any public consultation and the law as only unveiled before the awaiting population after it took effect.  Surprise!
     Secession, which includes independence advocacy, subversion of state power, which includes the use of unlawful means to seriously undermine the operations of "the body of central power of the People's Republic of China or the body of power of [the HKSAR]", and collusion with foreign governments, which includes the receipt of any funding or support from a foreign country to provoke by unlawful means hatred among Hong Kong residents towards the Central or Hong Kong Government are all national security penal offences now.  Terrorism has also been defined to include the sabotage of vehicular transport and traffic facilities for political ends.  For all four crimes, offenders face sentences of up to life imprisonment for grave violations.  Even non-Hong Kong residents based outside the jurisdiction are liable for prosecution if they commit any of these penal offences against Hong Kong.  A national security agency established by Beijing to gather intelligence can now operate legally in Hong Kong but must abide by local laws, though these mainland officials are not subject to local jurisdiction for acts performed in the course of duty.  The enforcement and prosecution decisions made under this NSL are entrusted to local officials and Hong Kong courts are also empowered to adjudicate the vast majority of cases brought under this law.  Most local criminal law procedures and human rights safeguards continue to apply.  But jury trial in individual cases can be replaced with a panel of three judges, and where state secrets are involved, all or part of the trial can be closed to the public, though the verdict must still be announced in open court.  In those rare serious cases where foreign governments are involved or the Hong Kong government is unable to enforce the law effectively, the Chinese procuratorate and courts are legally empowered to take over from local counterparts.  The law opens up the chilling possibility that for these exceptional cases, the offenders, if in Hong Kong, can be extradited to the Mainland to face trial.  Finally, the power of interpreting this national security law lies with the NPCSC, which expressly allows mainland officials to overrule the Hong Kong judiciary's interpretation of this NSL.
     As to be expected, responses to this NSL have been sharply divided.  Western media has largely portrayed the NSL as the "final nail in Hong Kong's coffin" and mourned the city's death.  On the other hand, Beijing loyalists fete the law as a "new social contract" that restores stability and recovers Hong Kong's "original aspiration of 'One Country, Two Systems."'
     In this chapter, I do not intend to engage with the histrionics or propaganda.  Neither do I seek to navel-gaze and portend the long-term impact - salubrious or deleterious - that the NSL would have on Hong Kong's economic and civic life.  My aim is more modest: I shall examine whether the NSL is constitutional and explore the options Hong Kong judges have in assessing its legality and interpreting its operative scope.
     In essence, my arguments are as follows.  First, it is defensible - as Albert Chen has argued - that the HKSAR's constitutional duty to enact national security laws "on its own" is subject to an implied requirement that this duty be fulfilled within a reasonable time, or the Central Government may intervene and legislate on the HKSAR's behalf.  But to be consistent, Beijing should also act unilaterally on another mothballed provision - Article 68 of the Basic Law (BL) - which guarantees the election of all members of the Legislative Council by universal suffrage.  Second, the insertion of the NSL into Annex III BL is problematic as the BL only authorises the inclusion of ๅ…จๅœ‹ๆ€งๆณ•ๅพ‹   - People's Republic of China (PRC) laws that have nation wide applications or effects.  Notably, the NSL only applies to Hong Kong and not to the Mainland.  Nevertheless, it will be a fool's errand for the Hong Kong courts to reject the NSL wholesale, or invalidate it in part, as Beijing can legally overrule the courts and oust those judges from future national security disputes.  Instead, Hong Kong judges should engage in a remedial interpretation of the NSL, such that the law's operative scope is read down and additional safeguards are judicially inserted into the legislation.  

Friday, February 17, 2023

New Book edited by Hualing Fu & Michael Hor: The National Security Law of Hong Kong: Restoration and Transformation (HKU Press)

The National Security Law of Hong Kong: Restoration and Transformation
(้ฆ™ๆธฏๅœ‹ๅฎ‰ๆณ•:็คพๆœƒ้‡ๅปบ่ˆ‡่ฎŠ้ฉ)
Edited by Hualing Fu & Michael Hor
Hong Kong University Press
Published in July 2022
396 pp.
Book Description: The Law of the People’s Republic of China on Safeguarding National Security in the Hong Kong SAR (the ‘NSL’) promises to be the most important legal development in Hong Kong since the advent of the Basic Law. Many wondered in the aftermath of the NSL how the foundations of Hong Kong’s system might be changed and in what way the freedoms valued by Hong Kong may be affected. Supporters view the law as essential for the preservation of public order and the national security of China and to support the fundamental well-being of “One Country, Two Systems”, an arrangement that has been in place since the return of Hong Kong to China. Critics fear an adverse impact on the spirit of “One Country, Two Systems”.
     From a discussion initiated by the University of Hong Kong’s Faculty of Law, this collection of essays brings together leading experts on Hong Kong and Chinese law to offer an exploratory study of the NSL and its impact on the legal system and the principle of the rule of law in Hong Kong.
     The book examines the ramifications of the law in relation to constitutional matters, protecting national security and sustaining “One Country, Two Systems”, policing, judicial independence, and extraterritoriality, as well as its wider implications in areas such as academic freedom and the business environment. It explores the interaction between Hong Kong and Chinese law occasioned by the NSL. Finally, the book offers a comparative perspective of the experience of other jurisdictions that have engaged with similar security legislation.
Review: 
“This collection addresses an important and timely issue, and provides an invaluable resource for all lawyers interested in Hong Kong as they grapple with the momentous changes in its legal landscape. The collection will surely serve as a reference point for further discussion and debate.”

—Victor V. Ramraj, University of Victoria, Canada

“This book covers the most important aspects of national security issues, including freedom and security that we have always been concerned about. This timely publication not only offers the latest research results for the academic community, but also provides important reference materials for the Hong Kong society to understand the important topics of national security.”

—Zhu Guobin, City University of Hong Kong

Thursday, January 5, 2023

Albert Chen on The History of the Drafting and Implementation of the Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (new book chapter)

"The History of the Drafting and Implementation of the Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region"
Albert Chen
in Routledge Handbook of Constitutional Law in Greater Chinaed. by Ngoc Son Bui, Stuart Hargreaves, and Ryan Mitchell (Routledge, Dec 29 2022), Chapter 3, pp. 34-48
Abstract: The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) of the People's Republic of China (PRC) was established in 1997 upon the termination of British colonial rule in Hong Kong. The Basic Law of the HKSAR is the constitutional instrument of post-colonial Hong Kong. This chapter discusses the history of the drafting and implementation of the Basic Law. The Chinese government never recognised publicly that the British or the colonial Hong Kong government had any role to play in the drafting of the Basic Law. The Chinese government considered the making of the Basic Law a purely domestic affair of the PRC. The political elite and public opinion in Hong Kong had divided views on certain fundamental issues arising from the drafting of the Basic Law, particularly as regards the degree of Hong Kong's democratisation that should be codified in the Basic Law.

Friday, January 7, 2022

Thomas Yeon and Trevor Wan on Interpreting Provisions Ousting the Courts’ Supervisory Jurisdiction over Election Candidacy Decisions (HKLJ)

"Interpreting Provisions Ousting the Courts’ Supervisory Jurisdiction over Election Candidacy Decisions"
Thomas Yeon (PCLL (HKU)) and Trevor T. W. Wan  (LLB (Government and Laws (HKU) )
Hong Kong Law Journal, 
2021, Vol. 51, Part 3 of 2021, pp. 829-844
Abstract: Following the National People’s Congress’s decision to overhaul Hong Kong’s electoral system in March 2021, its Standing Committee resolved to amend Annexes I and II of the Basic Law, providing for the establishment of a Candidate Eligibility Review Committee for elections of the Chief Executive, members of the committee responsible for electing the Chief Executive, and members of the Legislative Council. The amendment also added an ouster clause, replicated statutorily in the Legislative Council Ordinance (Cap 542) and Chief Executive Election Ordinance (Cap 569), to the effect that “no legal proceedings may be instituted in respect of a decision” made by the Candidate Eligibility Review Committee. This article seeks to illustrate the constitutional–statutory hybrid character of the ouster clause and the interpretive principles applicable towards it. It also responds to two objections against qualifying the ouster clause’s effect based on the clause’s constitutional character and its relationship with the National Security Law.

Wednesday, November 10, 2021

Simon Young on The Decision of the National People's Congress on Improving Hong Kong's Election System (ILM)

"The Decision of the National People's Congress on Improving the Election System of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region"
Simon Young
International Legal Materials
Published online on 13 October 2021
Abstract: In 2021, Hong Kong's electoral system underwent its most significant reform since the People's Republic of China (PRC) resumed the exercise of sovereignty over Hong Kong on July 1, 1997. By a decision adopted on March 11, 2021 to “improve the electoral system of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region and develop a democratic system suited to the actual situation of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region” (HKSAR), the National People's Congress (NPC) decided to amend the methods of selecting the Chief Executive of the HKSAR and forming the Legislative Council of the HKSAR (LegCo). The existing Election Committee would be reformed and given a pivotal role in the elections of the Chief Executive and LegCo members. A new candidate qualification review committee would be established to qualify all candidates. The Standing Committee of the National People's Congress (NPCSC) was empowered to amend the first two annexes of the Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People's Republic of China (Basic Law), which specify the methods for selecting the Chief Executive and forming the LegCo. The HKSAR would amend local election laws to implement the reforms and organize future elections in accordance with the law. The Chief Executive would submit timely reports to the Central People's Government. The NPC Decision was adopted with 2,895 votes in favor and one abstention...

Wednesday, June 2, 2021

Say Goo and Heather Lee on Lawful Traditional Right and Sustainability: An Unbalanced Interest in the Customary Ding Right in Hong Kong? (HKLJ)

"Lawful Traditional Right and Sustainability: An Unbalanced Interest in the Customary Ding Right in Hong Kong? "
Say H Goo and Heather Lee
2020, Vol. 50, Part 3 of 2020, pp. 961-982
Abstract: A customary ding right granted to male indigenous villagers to erect small houses in the New Territories has caused discontent amongst non-indigenous villagers and indigenous women and attracted attention from international organisations concerned with equality and non-discrimination. Claiming it to be a de jure property right, a lawful traditional right protected under the Basic Law and mingling this with complaints about historical land expropriation, indigenous villagers are advancing their claim for the recognition of and respect for Chinese customs and practices. Given the shortage of land resources and the indeterminate number of male indigenous villagers who will apply to build small houses over an indefinite period of time, as well as the recurrent abuse of the ding rights by means of tao ding and the unauthorised structures resulting from insufficient ex-ante and ex-post supervision, the equitable distribution of land resources has been an important unresolved issue in Hong Kong. This article discusses the legal issues and sustainability of the ding right and suggests possible solutions.

Wednesday, May 26, 2021

Jane Richards (PhD candidate) on An Incremental Approach to Filling Protection Gaps in Equality Rights for Persons with Disabilities (Human Rights Law Review)

"An Incremental Approach to Filling Protection Gaps in Equality Rights for Persons with Disabilities"
Jane Richards (PhD candidate)
Human Rights Law Review
Published on 15 May 2012
Abstract: The Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) guarantees that persons with disabilities (‘PWD’) are to be equal before and under the law. There are almost identical equality guarantees in the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms and Hong Kong's mini constitution – the Basic Law. Australia boasts similar legislative equality guarantees for PWD. The CRPD Committee has interpreted the right broadly, whereas constitutional courts have taken a proportionality approach, balancing the right to substantive equality against competing concerns. The tension between these methods of rights protection means the CRPD is being positioned as an alternative model of rights protection, but it is not an alternative mechanism for enforcement. This article calls on the Committee to modify its guidance to make suggestions to state parties as to how incremental advances in rights protection can be immediately implemented, even if in the short-term, these advances fall short of full inclusion.

Thursday, April 15, 2021

Cora Chan on "Can Hong Kong Remain a Liberal Enclave within China? Analysis of the Hong Kong National Security Law" (Public Law)

"Can Hong Kong remain a liberal enclave within China? Analysis of the Hong Kong National Security Law"
Cora Chan
Public Law
Published in April 2021, pp. 271-292
Abstract: In 2020, the Chinese government enacted a national security law (NSL) for Hong Kong that has raised doubts over the extent to which Hong Kong can retain its liberal status. The guarantee of that status is a core part of the "one country, two systems" policy stipulated in the Sino-British Joint Declaration and elaborated upon in Hong Kong's post-handover constitutional document, the Basic Law. This article examines the key provisions of the NSL, assesses its likely impact on the institutional and legal frameworks protecting Hong Kong's autonomy and freedoms, and explores what principles the Hong Kong courts—which are common law courts that follow the liberal rule of law tradition—should adopt in adjudicating the NSL, which is a product of China's socialist legal system. It argues that although the NSL undoubtedly weakens the ability of the Basic Law to function as a legal framework for protecting rights and the ability of Hong Kong institutions to check rights encroachments, if the courts properly construe the law, a natural consequence will be that its constricting effects on Hong Kong's autonomy and freedoms can be moderated. Whether Hong Kong's liberal constitutionalist character can be maintained in the NSL era therefore depends, inter alia, on how ready its courts are to apply the legal principles mandated by their constitutional role and how Beijing responds.

Wednesday, August 12, 2020

Hualing Fu on the Relationship Between Hong Kong's Basic Law and the National Security Law

A Note on the Basic Law and the National Security Law
12 August 2020

Is the National Security Law (NSL) a second Basic Law standing on its own in its relationship with the Basic Law or is it part of the Basic Law structure and subject to its control? This is a difficult question. This note considers the arguments in favour of both positions and inclines towards the latter view as the better understanding of the relationship between the NSL and the Basic Law.

Legislative Hierarchy and Principles
The constitutional rules and principles in relation to the legislature of the mainland are most clearly stated in the Legislation Law. Article 7 of this Law provides that the National People’s Congress (NPC) and its Standing Committee (NPCSC) have the exclusive power to make laws.
     The NPC makes and amends criminal law, civil law, laws relating to state organs and other “basic laws”, which remains an undefined and controversial concept in Chinese law.
     The NPCSC makes and amends laws other than the basic laws. The NPCSC also has the power to make laws to partially supplement and amend the NPC laws (e.g. basic laws) when the NPC is not in session, but any addition and amendment shall not contravene the “basic principles” of the “basic laws”. [1]
     According to Article 97(1) of the same law, the NPC has the power to change or rescind laws made by the NPCSC that are “inappropriate.” [2]
     Notwithstanding these legislative rules, the Chinese Constitution does not provide a functional mechanism for constitutional review. The NPCSC occupies the commanding heights of the legislature and has the power both to make law and interpret law, rendering meaningless the possibility of post-enactment constitutional review of law.

The Basic Law
The Basic Law is a basic law in the Chinese hierarchy because it was enacted by the NPC and enjoys a higher constitutional status, albeit in a limited sense. Nevertheless, the Basic Law has a higher constitutional status among all laws in China because of its special function in creating a SAR in the implementation of Article 31 of the Constitution. As a result, the Basic Law is often regarded in Chinese constitutional scholarship as quasi-constitutional or a constitutional document and has been given a privileged constitutional status higher than ordinary NPC laws.
     The April 1990 Decision by the NPC is of special significance in signaling the special constitutional status of the Basic Law. On the same day it promulgated the Basic Law, the NPC made a Decision to affirm and to declare the constitutionality of the Basic Law. The Decision also establishes the supremacy of the Basic Law in the SAR by stating: “The systems, policies and laws to be instituted after the establishment of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall be based on the Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region.”[3] The Basic Law constitutes the SAR, and therefore it is Hong Kong’s Constitution, mini or otherwise. Any other law, as long as it is implemented in Hong Kong, would have to be “based on”, subordinate to, and comply with the Basic Law. The NSL, as a NPCSC law, is no exception.

The NSL
The NSL is a unique law, however, which follows an extraordinary law-making path. The NPC itself triggered the legislative process for the NSL through a Decision on 28 May 2020. The Decision relies directly on Article 31 and Article 62 (2) (12) (14) of the Constitution in authorising and mandating the NPCSC to make a NSL within the scope of the Decision. 
     Both the Basic Law and the Decision derive their authority from Article 31. This is also the first time that the NPC has invoked Article 62 (2) to exercise its power in extending a national law to Hong Kong. Article 62 sets out the different functions and powers of the NPC and paragraph (2) refers to the power to “supervise the enforcement of the Constitution”. The making of the NSL relied upon the Constitution for its application to Hong Kong outside of the framework of the Basic Law. This is a significant development in Basic Law jurisprudence and will have long-term consequences. Although the Basic Law is also relied on and referred to in the Decision, no reference is made to any specific articles of the Basic Law, leading to the argument that the NPC has indeed bypassed the Basic Law in making the NSL.
     According to the relevant clauses in Article 62 of the Constitution, the NPC can supervise the implementation of the Constitution (62 (2)); decide on establishment of a SAR and the system to be implemented there (62(14)); and exercise other powers that shall be exercised by the highest organ of state power (62(16)). In acting according to these functions and powers, the NPC is stating, as the sovereign power, it can enact any law for Hong Kong as circumstances demand and as it sees fit.
     On 30 June 2020, the NPCSC promulgated the NSL. Article 3 of the NSL provides that “The Central People’s Government has an overarching responsibility for national security affairs relating to the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region.” By this article, according to my reading of the Basic Law and the NSL, the NPCSC has effectively replaced Article 23 of the Basic Law with the NSL. Or one might say it is giving effect to what has always been implicit in Article 23.
     Article 7 of the NSL provides: “The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall complete, as early as possible, legislation for safeguarding national security as stipulated in the Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region and shall refine relevant laws”. This is a technical article used to preempt the challenge that the NSL violates the “on its own” clause in Article 23 of the Basic Law. Given the substantial overlapping between the NSL and Article 23, in form and substance, and common legislative objectives of both laws, a more honest approach is to admit that the NPC has authorised its NPCSC to make an Article 23 law for Hong Kong to fix a potential or real serious national security crisis. The operative word in Article 7 is “complete” suggesting the NPCSC has started the Article 23 work project for Hong Kong to finish.

Conclusion
So what is the constitutional status of the NSL? It has been argued that the NSL is the second Basic Law for Hong Kong because of (A) its direct reliance on, and invocation of Article 31 and Article 62 (2) (12) and (14), and (B) the special authorisation of the NPC to make the NSL through its May Decision. According to this view, the NSL is a national law that exits in parallel to the Basic Law, supplementing and amending the Basic Law but not bound by it. That view, which accepts the creation of a separate source of law and an independent national security regime in Hong Kong outside the Basic Law, would have caused a fundamental change to ‘one country, two systems’. After a careful reading of the NPC Decision, the NSL, and the explanatory notes to both the Decision and the NSL, I cannot find any evidence that such a fundamental change is intended.
     A better view is that the NSL is an ordinary piece of NPCSC legislation, subordinate in status and force to the Basic Law. It is self-evident the NSL, according to the NSL itself (Article 1), was made “in accordance with” the Basic Law. The Basic Law remains a superior law to the NSL and the supreme law in Hong Kong.[4] This is so not merely because the Basic Law is a basic law enacted by the NPC – the NPC can make other basic laws. Rather it is due to the Basic Law’s quasi-constitutional status. The Basic Law remains Hong Kong’s constitution by its nature.
     The NSL is a NPCSC law that has been inserted into Annex III of the Basic Law to fill a gap left by Article 23, as contentious as the matter may be. As such, the NSL has to be consistent with, and accountable to, other provisions of the Basic Law so as to maintain the integrity of the Basic
     Law in accordance with Article 11.[5] The NSL may have replaced the explicit understanding of Article 23 to create a novel national security regime, but it is not immune from the control of the Basic Law.
     From the Chinese law perspective, as stated above, since the NPCSC both made the NSL and interprets both the NSL (Article 65) and the Basic Law (Article 158), a constitutional review of the NSL against the Basic Law by the NPCSC is unlikely to prove a meaningful exercise. However, the Chinese law position does not prohibit Hong Kong courts from developing a common law jurisprudence in interpreting the NSL in accordance with the standards of the Basic Law, that is to say to reconcile any potential conflict between the two laws through judicial interpretation, subject to the interpretative power of the NPCSC. [6]

Notes
[1] Article 7, Legislation Law.
[2] Article 97, Legislation Law.
[3] Decision of the National People’s Congress on the Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China (Adopted at the Third Session of the Seventh National People’s Congress on 4 April 1990)
[4] Article 62 of the NSL states that “This Law shall prevail where provisions of the local laws of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region are inconsistent with this Law.” “Local laws” Article 62 does not include the Basic Law.
[5] In the case of HKSAR v. Ng Kung Siu and another [1999] HKCFA 10, the CFA considered the constitutionality of the National Flag Ordinance, which was enacted through art 18(2) and Annex III, thereby further confirming that national laws enacted in this way must be consistent with the Basic Law.
[6] Article 65 of the NSL provides “The power of interpretation of this Law shall be vested in the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress”. Given that the application of the NSL would necessarily involve judicial interpretation by Hong Kong courts, Article 65 must be referring to “ultimate or final power of interpretation”.

Simon Young on Interpreting Hong Kong's National Security Law (SCMP)

"Why Beijing must respect Hong Kong courts' interpretation of national security law"
Simon Young
South China Morning Post
8 July 2020
Like a signal No 8 typhoon, the national security law directly hit Hong Kong just before midnight on July 1, leaving us to pick up the pieces. One of those pieces is its interpretation.
     Some have asked why bother as it is like other Chinese laws – vague and open to manipulation through interpretation by the authorities. Only the National People’s Congress Standing Committee appears to have the power to interpret the law. Let the political struggle continue, they say.
     As a law professor and practitioner, I find such a defeatist attitude unhelpful. Cases under the new law have commenced. Lawyers need to advise on it and courts must apply it in adjudicating cases. The law is upon us and we cannot sit idle in fear, waiting for some authority to tell us what it means. In affirming our autonomy, questions of interpretation should be carefully considered on our own in accordance with existing legal practices and principles. 
     The national security law has been added to Annex III of the Basic Law by the NPC Standing Committee. Annex III national laws are to be “applied locally” – that is, by reference to local circumstances and standards. Hong Kong judges and practitioners work in a common law legal system, having been educated and trained in the common law tradition... Click here to read the full article.

Wednesday, June 10, 2020

Johannes Chan on Whether the NPC Decision to Enact a National Security Law for Hong Kong Contravenes the Basic Law? (Verfassungsblog)

Does the Decision of the National People’s Congress on Enacting a National Security Law for Hong Kong Contravene the Basic Law?
Verfassungsblog
1 June 2020

On 28 May 2020, the National People’s Congress (NPC) resolved to authorise its Standing Committee (NPCSC) to enact a piece of national security law for Hong Kong (Decision). Would this Decision be in contravention of the Basic Law? Some people may say that this is a stupid question. Maybe it is. But if the Central Government still claims to abide by the rule of law, and if the NPC is not above the law, then whether the Decision would contravene the Basic Law is a serious question about the rule of law.
     As a matter of law, there are at least five reasons why one could query the legality of the Decision.

Enacting Law 'on Its Own'
First, Article 23 of the Basic Law clearly stipulates that Hong Kong shall enact laws “on its own” to prohibit any act falling within the ambit of national security as defined in that article. The phrase “on its own” is of crucial importance. As Hong Kong retains a common law system which embodies a set of values of personal liberties and freedoms or the rule of law which are not shared by the socialist civil law system on the Mainland, and given the political sensitivity of national security law which carries criminal sanctions and threatens personal liberty, it was agreed in the Basic Law that such laws shall be enacted by the Hong Kong legislature in accordance with the distinct common law traditions, values and procedures. The reason to have the phrase “on its own” is to protect the integrity of the common law system and freedoms of the people of Hong Kong from the threat of arbitrary political prosecution. At the time of the drafting of the Basic Law, there were widespread concerns about the prevalence of counter-revolutionary crimes on the Mainland. The famous trial of the human rights activist Wei Jingsheng, who was convicted and imprisoned for 14 years for publishing an essay “The Fifth Modernisation” on the Democracy Wall in Beijing in 1978, was fresh in the minds of many people in Hong Kong. The phrase “on its own” was inserted to allay the worries of the people of Hong Kong. 
     Thus, the overall design of the Basic Law is to give Hong Kong the autonomy to enact its own law. The Central Government will not enact law for Hong Kong, nor will national law of the Mainland be extended to Hong Kong. The Central Government then asked, what about national law dealing with foreign affairs, defence and matters outside the autonomy of the HKSAR? Article 18 was drafted to allow national laws to be extended to the HKSAR, but such laws are confined to foreign affairs, defence and matters outside the autonomy of the HKSAR. This formulation still gave rise to the worry about national security law, which may fall within the scope of foreign affairs and defence. Thus, Article 23 was drafted to craft out this area of law to be enacted by Hong Kong “on its own”. The suggestion that the Central Government has a parallel power to make national law for Hong Kong is clearly inconsistent with the intention and drafting history of Article 23.
     Some people argued that Article 23 only imposes an obligation on the HKSAR to enact national security law; it does not exclude the NPC or the NPCSC from making national security law for Hong Kong. Nor does the fact that the NPCSC making national security law for Hong Kong exempt Hong Kong from its responsibility to enact national security law under Article 23. This argument does not really address the question. The whole point of inserting the phrase “on its own” is to ensure that the Central Government will not impose its national security law on Hong Kong. This phrase would be absolutely meaningless and its protection would be illusory if it means that the Central Government could at the same time make national security law for Hong Kong. If the Central Government wants to make national security law for Hong Kong, which it does have the authority but for the Basic Law, it has to first amend the Basic Law and pay the political price for doing so.

Specific Provision Prevails over General Provision
Secondly, a general principle of statutory interpretation is that a specific provision would prevail over a general provision. Article 18 is a general provision which allows the NPCSC to extend national laws to Hong Kong via Annex 3, whereas Article 23 is a specific provision dealing with national security. As a matter of interpretation, the scope of Article 18 would not include the specific matters set out in Article 23, which are left to Hong Kong to enact laws on its own.
    Further, Article 18 only applies to national laws. Some people argue that the term “national laws” is used in contradistinction to “local laws”, and simply means any laws enacted by the NPC or the NPCSC. This interpretation may be valid in the general circumstances, but it is clearly inappropriate in the context of Article 18. The laws referred to in Article 18 have to be in the areas of foreign affairs, defence and matters outside the autonomy of the HKSAR. These are not matters that would fall into the jurisdiction of any local authorities, provinces or autonomous regions, but matters for the NPC and NPCSC. Thus, national laws could not be defined in terms of the organisation making the law, which would make the term “national laws” meaningless, but have to mean territorial coverage of the law. The point is that these laws are made for the whole country and extended to Hong Kong. It reflects the concern that the Central Government should not make specific laws for Hong Kong. Any national laws that are to be applied to Hong Kong should be those that apply generally to the country. This is reinforced by the fact that the power to make law for Hong Kong is vested in its Legislative Council; that Article 23 confers on Hong Kong the power to make laws for those matters specifically defined therein; and that Article 18 confines the types of national laws that could be extended to Hong Kong. When these provisions are read together, the intention is obvious. The Central Government will only extend national laws to Hong Kong provided that these laws fall within the areas of foreign affairs, defence and matters outside the autonomy of Hong Kong, excluding those covered in Article 23, and would not make laws for Hong Kong. The obvious purpose is to protect the integrity of the common law system in Hong Kong, which is completely different from the system in the Mainland.
     Some people argued that the Garrison Law is a piece of law made by the Central Government for Hong Kong. This is not accurate, as the target of the Garrison Law is the People’s Liberation Army stationed in Hong Kong. It defines the duties and responsibilities of the Garrison, and does not concern or affect the rights of ordinary citizens in Hong Kong. In contrast, the national security law will infringe the rights and liberty of the people of Hong Kong which are protected by the Basic Law.

PRC Constitution Does Not Empower the NPC to Ignore the Basic Law
The above analysis shows that there is no power on the part of the NPC/NPCSC to make national security law for Hong Kong under the Basic Law, which is binding on the NPC. The Decision refers to various sources to purportedly justify this power.
     Article 31 of the PRC Constitution authorizes the NPC to set up a Special Administrative Region. It is on the basis of this article that the Basic Law was enacted. Article 11 of the Basic Law expressly stated that the systems and policies practised in the HKSAR, including the system for safeguarding the fundamental rights and freedoms of its residents, the legislative and judicial systems, shall be based on the provisions of the Basic Law. Article 11 thus reinforces the proposition that the power of the NPC to deal with Hong Kong is indeed confined by the Basic Law by virtue of Article 31 of the PRC Constitution and hence its Decision cannot contravene the Basic Law. Article 62(2) of the PRC Constitution said that the NPC has the power of supervision of the constitution. Article 62(14) provides that the NPC has the power to decide on the establishment and the systems of the special administrative region. This has been done through the Basic Law. Article 62(16) states that the NPC shall exercise other functions of the highest national organs. None of these general provisions authorises the NPC to act other than in accordance with the Basic Law.
     As pointed out above, this does not mean that the NPC has no power to address national security issues. This can be done, but this can only be done by amending the Basic Law first, such as repealing the phrase “on its own” in Article 23 and expressly conferring the power on the NPCSC to make law for Hong Kong. This would require a formal amendment of the Basic Law, and there will be political costs. There are proper procedures for amending the Basic Law, and this cannot be done by a decision or resolution of the NPC. Such amendments would have a profound impact on the design of One Country, Two Systems, but if the Central Government is to amend the Basic Law in a way that would change or abandon One Country, Two Systems, there is at least nothing in law that could prevent it from doing so. What it cannot do is to legislate for Hong Kong as if the Basic Law does not exist.

The Role of the Court in Protecting Human Rights
Fourthly, it has been pointed out that the scope of the proposed national security law is not exactly the same as that under Article 23. Yet this only gives rise to greater concerns. The Decision authorises the NPCSC to enact law to prohibit “acts of secession, subversion, organizing and implementing terrorist activities that would seriously endanger national security and interference with Hong Kong affairs by collaboration with foreign bodies outside Hong Kong and the Mainland.” The scope is exceeding broad, and may cover finance, economy, communications, and even connection and collaboration between religious organizations and NGOs with foreign religious bodies and NGOs. It may even cover normal academic collaboration between local universities and foreign bodies. 
     Even more worrying is the diminishing role of the courts. Under Article 18 of the Basic Law, any laws which are extended to Hong Kong have to be related to foreign affairs, defence or matters outside the limits of the autonomy of the HKSAR. Under Article 19, these matters are outside the jurisdiction of the courts in Hong Kong. Thus, unless there is express authorisation in the national security law, these matters are logically outside the jurisdiction of the Hong Kong courts. Even if the courts were conferred jurisdiction over the national security law, should the courts interpret the law according to Chinese law or the common law principles of interpretation? The Mainland approach to statutory interpretation is dominated by political consideration and less restrained by the language of the law. This is best illustrated by how the NPCSC is able to extend a requirement to take an oath of office upon successful election under Article 104 of the Basic Law to become an eligibility requirement of allegiance for candidacy to run for the election, and how the China Liaison Office has argued that it is not a department of the Central Government for the purpose of Article 22 of the Basic Law and hence it is free to interfere with internal affairs of the HKSAR under its alleged authority to supervise the implementation of the Basic Law. I have full confidence in our judiciary that they would adhere to the common law principles in interpreting the national security law, but this would give rise to another problem. What is going to happen if the Hong Kong courts, applying the ordinary canons of statutory construction, substantially restrict the scope of an offence under the national security law, or declare a provision in the national security law null and void for contravening the human rights protection in the Basic Law? Would the NPCSC give the Hong Kong courts a round of applause, or would it be tempted to “correct” the Hong Kong judiciary for failing to properly understand the national security law? In this regard, it should be noted that the NPCSC has the power to give an interpretation of the national security law, being a piece of national law, under Art 42 of the Legislation Law. While such interpretation is not an interpretation of the Basic Law, such interpretation has the same status as the national law itself under Art 47 of the Legislation Law, and is hence binding on the Hong Kong courts. How much freedom would the Hong Kong courts enjoy in interpreting the national security law? 
     This gives rise to another issue: would the national security law be subject to the human rights protection under the ICCPR as applied to Hong Kong or the human rights provisions in the Basic Law? Under Article 78 of the Legislation Law, when there is a conflict between national law and local law, national law prevails. Therefore, the national security law would prevail over the Bill of Rights, which is local law of the Hong Kong. The ICCPR as applied to Hong Kong receives a higher status, not by virtue of the Bill of Rights, but by virtue of Article 39 of the Basic Law. However, the Basic Law itself is also a piece of national law. If two provisions of national law are in conflict, the specific provision will prevail over the general provision, and the latter will prevail over the earlier provision. Article 39, as well as other human rights provisions in the Basic Law, may be regarded as a general provision, and if the national security law, which is a specific law and latter in time, is inconsistent with the Basic Law, the national security law will prevail under Articles 83 and 85 of the Legislation Law. Thus, there seems to be strong arguments that the national security law is not subject to the ICCPR as applied to Hong Kong or other human rights provisions of the Basic Law.
     It has also been suggested that there should be a special tribunal to handle cases about national security, and such cases should only be tried by judges who have no foreign nationality and no right of abode in a foreign country. This suggestion would threaten the rule of law and judicial independence. National security law could cover activities that may also constitute ordinary crimes, such as arson or possession of offensive weapon. If a defendant is charged with the ordinary crimes, he will be tried by the ordinary courts. If he is charged for the same activities under national security law, he will be tried by a special tribunal. This would give rise to legitimate doubt of fairness and impartiality. Historically, such special tribunals, such as the Star Chambers in England in the 15th to 17th century or the special counter-revolutionary tribunal in Russia in the early 20th century, earned their reputation as a political tribunal for social and political oppression through arbitrary use and abuse of power. 
     A nationality requirement for the appointment of judges would be inconsistent with the Basic Law. Article 92 provides that judges and other members of the Hong Kong judiciary shall be “chosen on the basis of their judicial and professional qualities and may be recruited from other common law jurisdictions”. Indeed, apart from the Chief Justice and the Chief Judge of the High Court, it was a deliberate decision not to impose any nationality requirement on other judges. Article 82 of the Basic Law expressly permits the Court of Final Appeal to invite judges from other common law jurisdictions to sit on the Court of Final Appeal. Under the common law, the judges take a judicial oath to administer the law fairly and impartially. This duty does not depend on his nationality. If there is any allegation of bias or conflicts of interests, this can already be handled under the existing system. If a nationality requirement is to require a judge to approach a case with patriotic principles, this will be an affront to the principle of judicial independence.

Establishment of a National Security Unit in Hong Kong
Fifthly, the Decision envisages that the National Security organization may, if necessary, set up a unit in Hong Kong to protect national security in accordance with law. It is unclear what this unit would be, but it is unlikely to be a “department of the Central Government” under Article 22 of the Basic Law, but the representative of the Central Government that is not bound by Article 22. What is the scope of its authority? What power would it have? To whom is it accountable? Could it exercise the power of investigation, arrest and detention, or interrogation? Under Article 42 of the PRC National Security Law, national security organization shall have the power to investigate, detain, interrogate, arrest, and other power as prescribed by law. In short, it enjoys the power of law enforcement, and how could the operation of a parallel police force in Hong Kong be consistent with the Basic Law?

The Tragedy of One Country, Two Systems
The past few weeks have witnessed a dramatic constriction of public space in Hong Kong. The Liaison Office of the Central People’s Government in the HKSAR claimed that it is not a “department” of the Central Government within the meaning of Article 22 of the Basic Law, and that it has the power to supervise the implementation of the Basic Law in Hong Kong. The Education Bureau put pressure on the Hong Kong Examinations and Assessment Authority to set aside an examination question of a public examination (HKDSE) on the ground that the question is biased and inappropriate. The question asked the students to comment whether Japan has done more good than evil to China between 1900 and 1945. Then the Communications Authority found substantiated the complaints against a political satire by the Radio and Television Hong Kong (RTHK) on the ground that the popular satirical programme has “denigrated” the Police Force by making fun of the police. And then the NPC decided to authorise the NPCSC to enact national security law for Hong Kong. How much of “a high degree of autonomy” is still left with Hong Kong?
     The only difference between the two systems in Hong Kong and the Mainland now is the legal system. In order to protect the common law system in Hong Kong, the design of the Basic Law is that Hong Kong will enact its own law, that Mainland law will not apply and the Central Government would not make law for Hong Kong, and that Hong Kong law will be enforced by the Hong Kong law enforcement agencies, and administered by the Hong Kong judiciary. These are the pillars that protect the common law system, and all these pillars are now shattered. The Central Government is going to make law for Hong Kong; national security organisation is allowed to carry out law enforcement in Hong Kong, and it is unclear whether the national security law will be administered by the Hong Kong courts, and even if it is so, it is unclear how much autonomy the Hong Kong courts would have over the interpretation of the national security law.
     Some people said that if Article 23 legislation had been introduced in 2003, we would not have been in the position where we are now. There are too many assumptions in such an argument. The recent protests are a result of many different causes. About a decade ago, the former Premier Wen Jiabao reminded the HKSAR Government to address the “deep-rooted causes and conflicts” in Hong Kong, but successive governments only paid lip service to this advice. Instead, the former Government became a major source of conflicts and was a key player leading to sharper polarisation in society, whereas the present Government is too arrogant and missed many opportunities to resolve the social conflicts last year. The situation was further complicated by the Sino-American trade conflicts. Even if Article 23 law were enacted in 2003, with the poor performance of the last two governments of the HKSAR, the social conflicts would probably still be inevitable. To many people in Hong Kong, the current problem is largely one of public disorder and has little to do with national security.
     To the Central Government, there seems to be a conspiracy theory that the protests were part of a conspiracy of foreign powers against China. Instead of making the successive Chief Executives accountable for their poor governance, the Central Government is prepared to adopt radical steps that could destroy One Country, Two Systems. How far the Decision was a result of those who have the ears of the Central Government exaggerating the situation in Hong Kong is something only history could tell. Would the current problem in Hong Kong be resolved by enacting the national security law? There will be prosecution, suppression and censorship. The national security law may have a chilling effect so that people will no longer criticise their authority. There will no longer be any civil society, and independent and critical thinking would become non-existent. On one hand, the Government criticised the critics for demonising the national security law when they do not even know the content of the law. On the other hand, senior government ministers and many patriots were mobilised to pledge their support for the national security law without knowing their content! Hong Kong will become nothing but a compliant society. Political correctness will become the major yardstick in determining right and wrong. Public space will continue to shrink; a high degree of autonomy will exist in name only. Some people said that the national security law will only target at a small number of criminals. History tells us that this is naรฏve. Once introduced, instead of being liberalised, such law will only become increasingly oppressive. “Four legs good, two legs bad”. Before long, some four legs would be found bad as well!

30 May 2020

(The original of this article in Chinese was published in Ming Pao, 25 May 2020. The above is the revised version in English.)

Chinese version:

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     ๅพžๆณ•็†่€Œ่จ€,ๆœ€ๅฐ‘ๆœ‰ไบ”ๅ€‹็†็”ฑๆŒ‡ๅ‡บไบบๅคง็š„ๆฑบ่ญฐไธฆไธ็ฌฆๅˆ《ๅŸบๆœฌๆณ•》。


่‡ช่กŒ็ซ‹ๆณ•
็ฌฌไธ€,《ๅŸบๆœฌๆณ•》็ฌฌ23ๆขๆ˜Ž็ขบๆŒ‡ๅ‡บ,ๅฐฑ่ฉฒๆขๆ‰€ๆŒ‡็š„ๆถ‰ๅŠๅœ‹ๅฎถๅฎ‰ๅ…จ็š„ๆณ•ไพ‹็”ฑ้ฆ™ๆธฏ「่‡ช่กŒ็ซ‹ๆณ•」。「่‡ช่กŒ็ซ‹ๆณ•」็š„ๆ„ๆ€ๆ˜Ž้กฏๆ˜ฏ็”ฑ้ฆ™ๆธฏ็‰นๅ€ๆ นๆ“šๆ™ฎ้€šๆณ•็š„ๅ‚ณ็ตฑๅ’Œ็ซ‹ๆณ•็จ‹ๅบ้€ฒ่กŒ็ซ‹ๆณ•,็†็”ฑๆ˜ฏ้ฆ™ๆธฏๅ’Œๅ…งๅœฐๆœ‰ๅฎŒๅ…จไธๅŒ็š„ๆณ•ๅˆถ、ๅƒนๅ€ผๅ’Œๆณ•ๆฒป่ง€ๅฟต,็•ถๆถ‰ๅŠ้€™้กž้ซ˜ๅบฆๆ”ฟๆฒปๆ€งๅ’Œๆ•ๆ„Ÿๆ€ง,ไธฆ่งธๅŠไบบ่บซ่‡ช็”ฑๅ’Œๅˆ‘ไบ‹่ฒฌไปป็š„ๆณ•ๅพ‹ๆ™‚,《ๅŸบๆœฌๆณ•》็š„ๅŽŸๆ„ๆ˜ฏ่ฎ“็‰นๅ€่‡ช่กŒๅˆถๅฎš้€™ไบ›ๆณ•ๅพ‹。ๆถ‰ๅŠๅœ‹ๅฎถๅฎ‰ๅ…จ็š„ๆณ•ๅพ‹ๅพžไพ†้ƒฝๆ˜ฏ้žๅธธๆ•ๆ„Ÿ็š„,「่‡ช่กŒ็ซ‹ๆณ•」็š„็›ฎ็š„ๆญฃๆ˜ฏ่ฆไฟ้šœ้ฆ™ๆธฏๆ™ฎ้€šๆณ•็š„ๅฎŒๆ•ดๆ€ง。ๅŸบๆœฌๆณ•》็š„่จญ่จˆๆ˜ฏๅœ‹ๅ…ง็š„ๆณ•ๅพ‹ไธ้ฉ็”จๆ–ผ้ฆ™ๆธฏ,ไธญๅคฎๆ”ฟๅบœไบฆไธๆœƒ็‚บ้ฆ™ๆธฏ็ซ‹ๆณ•,้ฆ™ๆธฏ็š„ๆณ•ๅพ‹็”ฑ้ฆ™ๆธฏ็š„็ซ‹ๆณ•ๆœƒ่‡ช่กŒ่จ‚็ซ‹。ๅœจ่‰ๆ“ฌ็š„้Ž็จ‹ไธญ,ไธญๅคฎๅ•,้‚ฃๆถ‰ๅŠๅœ‹้˜ฒๅค–ไบค็š„ๆณ•ๅพ‹ๅˆๅฆ‚ไฝ•?ๆ–ผๆ˜ฏไพฟๆœ‰็ฌฌ18ๆข,่ฎ“ไธญๅคฎๅฏไปฅๅฐ‡ไธ€ไบ›ๅ…จๅœ‹ๆ€งๆณ•ๅพ‹้€้Ž้™„ไปถไธ‰้ฉ็”จๆ–ผ้ฆ™ๆธฏ,ไฝ†้€™ไบ›ๆณ•ๅพ‹ๅชๅฑ€้™ๆ–ผๆถ‰ๅŠๅœ‹้˜ฒ、ๅค–ไบคๅŠ้ฆ™ๆธฏ่‡ชๆฒป็ฏ„ๅœๅค–็š„ๆณ•ๅพ‹。็„ถ่€Œ,้€™ๅ€‹่ฆ็ฏ„ไป็„ถ้Žๆ–ผ็ฑ ็ตฑ,ไป็„ถๅฏๅŒ…ๆ‹ฌๆถ‰ๅŠๅœ‹ๅฎถๅฎ‰ๅ…จ้€™ไบ›ๆฅตๅ…ทๆ”ฟๆฒป่‰ฒๅฝฉ็š„ๆณ•ๅพ‹。ๅœจ่‰ๆ“ฌ้€™ไธ€ๆขๆณ•ๅพ‹็š„ๆ™‚ๅ€™,้ฆ™ๆธฏไบบ็‰นๅˆฅ้—œๆณจๅœ‹ๅ…งๅฐๅœ‹ๅฎถๅฎ‰ๅ…จ้‚ฃ็จฎ็ฉบๆณ›็š„่ง€ๅฟต,ไธๅฐ‘ไบบๅฐ็•ถๅนด็š„ๅ้ฉๅ‘ฝ็ฝช่จ˜ๆ†ถ็Œถๆ–ฐ,้ญไบฌ็”Ÿไพฟๆ˜ฏๅ› ็‚บ็™ผ่กจๆธดๆฑ‚ๆฐ‘ไธป็š„่จ€่ซ–ๅทฒ่ขซๅˆคๅ้ฉๅ‘ฝ็ฝชๆˆ,ไธฆๅˆค่™•14ๅนด็›ฃ็ฆ。็ฌฌ23ๆขๅฐ「่‡ช่กŒ็ซ‹ๆณ•」็š„่ฆๅฎšไพฟๆ˜ฏๅœจ้€™ๆจฃ็š„่ƒŒๆ™ฏไธ‹็”ข็”Ÿ,ๅฐ‡ๅœ‹ๅฎถๅฎ‰ๅ…จ็š„็ซ‹ๆณ•็”ฑ็‰นๅ€ๆ นๆ“šๆ™ฎ้€šๆณ•็š„ๅŽŸๅ‰‡่จ‚็ซ‹,ไปฅ้‡‹้™คๆธฏไบบ็š„ๆ†‚ๆ…ฎ。
     ๆœ‰ไบบ่ชช,ไบบๅคงๅธธๅง”ๆœƒ็ซ‹ๆณ•ไธฆไธ็ญ‰ๆ–ผ้ฆ™ๆธฏไธ้œ€่ฆๅ†็‚บ《ๅŸบๆœฌๆณ•》็ฌฌ23ๆข็ซ‹ๆณ•,ไฝ†ๅฆ‚ๆžœไธญๅคฎๅฏไปฅๅŒๆ™‚็ซ‹ๆณ•,「่‡ช่กŒ็ซ‹ๆณ•」้‚„ๆœ‰ไป€้บผๆ„็พฉ?้€™็จฎ่ซ–่ชฌๆ˜ฏๆผ ่ฆ–็•ถๆ—ฅ็‚บไฝ•่ฆๆœ‰「่‡ช่กŒ็ซ‹ๆณ•」้€™่ฆๅฎš็š„็ซ‹ๆณ•ๅŽŸๆ„。 ้ฆ™ๆธฏไป็„ถๆœ‰่ฒฌไปป็‚บ็ฌฌ23ๆข็ซ‹ๆณ•ไน‹่ชฌ,ไฝ†ไธฆไธ่ถณไปฅๆ”ฏๆŒไธญๅคฎๅฏไปฅ็‚บ้ฆ™ๆธฏ็ซ‹ๆณ•。ๅฆ‚ๆžœไธญๅคฎ่ช็‚บ้ฆ™ๆธฏๆฒ’ๆœ‰ๅฑฅ่กŒๅ…ถๆ†ฒๆณ•่ฒฌไปป่€Œ่ฆๆ”ถๅ›ž้€™ๆ†ฒๆณ•ๆ€ง็š„ๆŽˆๆฌŠ,ไพฟๅพ—ๅ…ˆไฟฎๆ”น็ฌฌ23ๆข,้€™ๆ‰ๆ˜ฏ้ซ”็พๆณ•ๆฒป็š„่ฆๆฑ‚。

ๅ…ท้ซ”ๆขๆ–‡ๅ„ชๆ–ผๆ™ฎ้ๆ€งๆขๆ–‡
็ฌฌไบŒ,ๆœ‰ไบบ่ชช่‡ช่กŒ็ซ‹ๆณ•ๅ’Œๅฐ‡ๅ…จๅœ‹ๆ€งๆณ•ๅพ‹ๅœจ้ฆ™ๆธฏๅฏฆๆ–ฝไธฆ็„ก่ก็ช,ไฝ†้€™ๆ˜ฏๆ˜Ž้กฏ้•ๅไธ€่ˆฌ็š„็ซ‹ๆณ•่งฃ้‡‹ๅŽŸๅ‰‡。็ฌฌ18ๆขๆ˜ฏไธ€ๆขๆ™ฎ้ๆ€งๆณ•ๅพ‹,ๅฎน่จฑไบบๅคงๅธธๅง”ๆœƒ้€้Ž้™„ไปถไธ‰ๅฐ‡ไธ€ไบ›ๅ…จๅœ‹ๆ€งๆณ•ๅพ‹้ฉ็”จๆ–ผ้ฆ™ๆธฏ;็ฌฌ23ๆขๅ‰‡ๆ˜ฏไธ€ๆขๅ…ท้ซ”็š„ๆณ•ๅพ‹,ๆŒ‡ๆ˜Žๅœจ็ฌฌ23ๆข็ฏ„ๅœๅ…ง็š„ๆณ•ๅพ‹็”ฑ้ฆ™ๆธฏ่‡ช่กŒ็ซ‹ๆณ•。ๆ™ฎ้่งฃ้‡‹ๆณ•ๅพ‹็š„ๅŽŸๅ‰‡ๆ˜ฏๅ…ท้ซ”็š„ๆขๆ–‡ๅ„ชๆ–ผๆ™ฎ้ๆ€ง็š„ๆขๆ–‡。ๆ–ผๆ˜ฏ,็ฌฌ18ๆข้€™็จฎๆ™ฎ้ๆ€ง็š„ๆฌŠๅŠ›,ไพฟไธๆ‡‰ๅŒ…ๅซ็ฌฌ23ๆขๅ…ท้ซ”ๆ‰€ๆŒ‡็š„็ฏ„ๅœๅ…ง็š„ๆณ•ๅพ‹ๆขๆ–‡,ๅฆๅ‰‡็ฌฌ23ๆขไพฟ่ฎŠ็‚บๅคšๆญคไธ€่ˆ‰。
      ๅ†่€…,็ฌฌ18ๆข้™„ไปถไธ‰ๅช้ฉ็”จๆ–ผๅ…จๅœ‹ๆ€งๆณ•ๅพ‹,ๆœ‰ไบบ่ชชๅ…จๅœ‹ๆ€งๆณ•ๅพ‹ๆ„ๆŒ‡็”ฑไบบๅคงๆˆ–ไบบๅคงๅธธๅง”ๆœƒ้€š้Ž็š„ๆ‰€ๆœ‰ๆณ•ๅพ‹,ๆœ‰ๅˆฅๆ–ผ็”ฑๅœฐๅ€็œๅธ‚้€š้Ž็š„ๆณ•ๅพ‹。้€™ๅ€‹่งฃ้‡‹ๅœจไธ€่ˆฌๆƒ…ๆณไธ‹ๅฏ่ƒฝๅˆ้ฉ,ไฝ†ๅœจ็ฌฌ18ๆขไพฟๆ˜Ž้กฏไธ้ฉ็”จ。็ฌฌ18ๆข่ฆๅฎš้™„ไปถไธ‰ๅ…ง็š„ๅ…จๅœ‹ๆ€งๆณ•ๅพ‹ๅฟ…้ ˆๆถ‰ๅŠๅœ‹้˜ฒ,ๅค–ไบคๅ’Œๅ…ถไป–่‡ชๆฒป็ฏ„ๅœๅค–็š„ๆณ•ๅพ‹,้€™้กžๆณ•ๅพ‹ๆ นๆœฌไธๆ˜ฏ็œๅธ‚ๅœฐๅ€ๆœ‰ๆฌŠๅˆถๅฎš็š„,ๆ•…ๆญคๅ…จๅœ‹ๆ€งๆณ•ๅพ‹ไธ่ƒฝๅ–ๆฑบๆ–ผ็”ฑไป€้บผๆฉŸๆง‹ไฝœๅ‡บ,่€Œๆ˜ฏๆŒ‡ๆณ•ๅพ‹็š„ๆ€ง่ณชๆ˜ฏ้ฉ็”จๆ–ผๅ…จๅœ‹。《ๅŸบๆœฌๆณ•》่ณฆไบˆ้ฆ™ๆธฏ็ซ‹ๆณ•ๆฉŸ้—œ็ซ‹ๆณ•ๆฌŠ, ็ฌฌ23ๆข่ฆๅฎšๅœจ่ฉฒๆข็ฏ„ๅœๅ…ง็š„ๆณ•ๅพ‹็”ฑ้ฆ™ๆธฏ่‡ช่กŒ็ซ‹ๆณ•,็ฌฌ18ๆขๅ‰‡่ฆๅฎšๅœจๅœ‹้˜ฒ、ๅค–ไบคๅŠ้ฆ™ๆธฏ่‡ชๆฒป็ฏ„ๅœไปฅๅค–็š„ๆณ•ๅพ‹ๅฏไปฅ็”ฑไธญๅคฎ้€้Ž้™„ไปถไธ‰ๅœจ้ฆ™ๆธฏ้ฉ็”จ,้€™ๅนพๆข็ถœๅˆ่ตทไพ†็š„็›ฎ็š„,ๆ˜Ž้กฏๆ˜ฏไธญๅคฎๅœจๅœ‹้˜ฒ、ๅค–ไบคๅŠ้ฆ™ๆธฏ่‡ชๆฒป็ฏ„ๅœไปฅๅค–็š„ไบ‹ๆƒ…ๆ‰ๆœƒ็‚บ้ฆ™ๆธฏ็ซ‹ๆณ•,่€Œไธๆœƒๅœจ้€™ไบ›็ฏ„ๅœไปฅๅค–็‚บ้ฆ™ๆธฏ็ซ‹ๆณ•;ๅณไฝฟ้ฉ็”จๆ–ผ้ฆ™ๆธฏ็š„ๆณ•ๅพ‹,ไนŸ้ ˆ่ฆๆ˜ฏๅ…จๅœ‹ๆ€ง้ฉ็”จ็š„ๆณ•ๅพ‹,็›ฎ็š„ไนŸๆ˜ฏ็‚บไฟ้šœๅ’Œ็ถญ่ญท้ฆ™ๆธฏ่ˆ‡ๅ…งๅœฐๆœ‰ๆˆช็„ถไธๅŒ็š„ๆณ•ๅพ‹ๅˆถๅบฆ,ไธญๅคฎๆ”ฟๅบœไธๆœƒ็‚บ้ฆ™ๆธฏ็ซ‹ๆณ•。
     ๆœ‰ไบบ่ชช,《้ง่ปๆณ•》ไธๆ˜ฏ็‚บ้ฆ™ๆธฏ็‰นๅˆฅๅˆถๅฎš็š„ๆณ•ๅพ‹็š„ๅ…ˆไพ‹ๅ—Ž?《้ง่ปๆณ•》็š„ๅฐ่ฑกๆ˜ฏๅœจ้ฆ™ๆธฏ้งๅฎˆ็š„่งฃๆ”พ่ป,้€™ๆขไพ‹่ฆ็ฏ„่งฃๆ”พ่ปๅœจ้ฆ™ๆธฏ็š„่ฒฌไปป,่€Œไธๆ˜ฏไธ€ๆขๆ‡‰็”จๆ–ผ้ฆ™ๆธฏๆ™ฎ้ๅธ‚ๆฐ‘็š„ๆขไพ‹。ไบบๅคงๅธธๅง”ๆœƒ้€™ๆฌก็ซ‹ๆณ•,ๅปๆ˜ฏ้‡ๅฐ้ฆ™ๆธฏไบบ็š„ๆฌŠๅˆฉๅ’Œ่‡ช็”ฑ,่€Œ้€™ๆญฃๆญฃๆ˜ฏ《ๅŸบๆœฌๆณ•》ๆ‰€่ฆไฟ้šœ็š„。

《ไธญๅœ‹ๆ†ฒๆณ•》ๆฒ’ๆœ‰่ณฆไบˆไบบๅคงๅฏไปฅไธ็†ๆœƒ《ๅŸบๆœฌๆณ•》็š„่ฆๅฎš็š„ๆฌŠๅŠ›
็ฌฌไธ‰,ไบบๅคงๆฑบ่ญฐๆŒ‡ๅ…ถๆณ•ๅพ‹ๅŸบ็คŽๆบๆ–ผ《ไธญๅœ‹ๆ†ฒๆณ•》็ฌฌ31ๆข,็ฌฌ62ๆข็ฌฌ214ๅŠ16้ …。็ฌฌ31ๆขๆ˜ฏ่จญ็ซ‹็‰นๅ€็š„ๆณ•ๅพ‹ไพๆ“š,《ๅŸบๆœฌๆณ•》็ฌฌ11ๆขไพฟๆ˜Ž็ขบๆŒ‡ๅ‡บ,็‰นๅ€็š„ๅˆถๅบฆ,ๅฐ่‡ช็”ฑๆฌŠๅˆฉ็š„ไฟ้šœ,็ซ‹ๆณ•ๅ’Œๅธๆณ•ๅˆถๅบฆ็ญ‰ๅ‡ไปฅ《ๅŸบๆœฌๆณ•》็‚บไพๆ“š。้€™ไธ€ๆขๅŒๆจฃ้ฉ็”จๆ–ผไบบๅคง,ไบบๅคง็š„ๆฑบๅฎšไธ่ƒฝ้•ๅ《ๅŸบๆœฌๆณ•》็š„่ฆๅฎš。《ๆ†ฒๆณ•》็ฌฌ62ๆข็ฌฌ2้ …ๆŒ‡ไบบๅคงๆœ‰「็›ฃ็ฃๆ†ฒๆณ•็š„ๅฏฆๆ–ฝ็š„ๆฌŠๅŠ›」,็ฌฌ14้ …ๆŒ‡ไบบๅคงๆœ‰「ๆฑบๅฎš็‰นๅˆฅ่กŒๆ”ฟๅ€็š„่จญ็ซ‹ๅŠๅ…ถๅˆถๅบฆ」็š„ๆฌŠๅŠ›,็ฌฌ16้ …ๅ‰‡ๆŒ‡ไบบๅคงๅฏ่กŒไฝฟ「ๆ‡‰็•ถ็”ฑๆœ€้ซ˜ๅœ‹ๅฎถๆฌŠๅŠ›ๆฉŸ้—œ่กŒไฝฟ็š„ๅ…ถไป–่ทๆฌŠ」。้€™ๅนพๆขๆ™ฎ้ๆ€ง็š„ๆขๆ–‡,ๅ‡ๆฒ’ๆœ‰่ณฆไบˆไบบๅคงๅฏไปฅไธ็†ๆœƒ《ๅŸบๆœฌๆณ•》็š„่ฆๅฎš็š„ๆฌŠๅŠ›。ไบบๅคง็•ถ็„ถๆœ‰ๆฌŠไฟฎๆ”น《ๅŸบๆœฌๆณ•》,ๅˆช้™ค็ฌฌ23ๆขๅฐ「่‡ช่กŒ็ซ‹ๆณ•」็š„่ฆๅฎšๅ’Œ่ณฆไบˆไบบๅคงๅธธๅง”ๆœƒ็‚บ้ฆ™ๆธฏ็›ดๆŽฅ็ซ‹ๆณ•็š„ๆฌŠๅŠ›,ไฝ†้€™ไพฟๆถ‰ๅŠไฟฎๆ”น《ๅŸบๆœฌๆณ•》,ไฟฎๆ”น่ฆ่ทŸๅพžไธ€ๅฎš็š„็จ‹ๅบ,ไธ่ƒฝไปฅไบบๅคงๆฑบ่ญฐไพ†ไฟฎๆ”นๆณ•ๅพ‹。
     ไธŠๆ–‡็ถ“ๅทฒๆŒ‡ๅ‡บ,้€™ไธฆไธๆ˜ฏ่ชฌไธญๅคฎไธ่ƒฝ็‚บๅœ‹ๅฎถๅฎ‰ๅ…จ็ซ‹ๆณ•,่€Œๆ˜ฏ่ชฌๅฎƒๅฟ…้ ˆๅ…ˆไฟฎๆ”น《ๅŸบๆœฌๆณ•》,ๅˆช้™ค็ฌฌ23ๆข็”ฑ้ฆ™ๆธฏ่‡ช่กŒ็ซ‹ๆณ•็š„่ฆๅฎš,ไธฆๆ˜Ž็ขบๆŽˆๆฌŠไธญๅคฎๅฏไปฅ็‚บ้ฆ™ๆธฏ็ซ‹ๆณ•。ไธญๅคฎไธๆœƒ็‚บ้ฆ™ๆธฏๅˆถ่จ‚ๆณ•ๅพ‹,ๅฝฑ้Ÿฟ้ฆ™ๆธฏไบบ็š„ๅŸบๆœฌๆฌŠๅˆฉๅ’Œ่‡ช็”ฑ,้€™ๆ˜ฏไธ€ๅœ‹ๅ…ฉๅˆถ็š„ๅŸบ็Ÿณ,ไธญๅคฎๅฏไปฅไฟฎๆ”น《ๅŸบๆœฌๆณ•》,ไบฆๅŒๆ™‚่ฆ่ฒ ไธŠๆ”ฟๆฒปไปฃๅƒน。ไฟฎๆ”น《ๅŸบๆœฌๆณ•》ไบฆ้ ˆไพๅพžไธ€ๅฎš็š„็จ‹ๅบ,ไบบๅคงๆฑบ่ญฐไธฆไธ่ƒฝไฟฎๆ”น《ๅŸบๆœฌๆณ•》,ไบบๅคงไบฆไธ่ƒฝๆผ ่ฆ–《ๅŸบๆœฌๆณ•》็‚บ้ฆ™ๆธฏ็ซ‹ๆณ•。

ไบบๆฌŠ็š„ไฟ้šœๅ’Œๆณ•้™ข็š„่ง’่‰ฒ
็ฌฌๅ››,ๆœ‰ไบบๆŒ‡ไบบๅคงๅธธๅง”ๆœƒ็š„็ซ‹ๆณ•็ฏ„ๅœไธฆ้žๅฎŒๅ…จ่ˆ‡็ฌฌ23ๆข้‡็–Š,ไฝ†้€™ๆ›ดๅŠ ไปคไบบๆ“”ๆ†‚。ไบบๅคงๆฑบ่ญฐๆŽˆๆฌŠไบบๅคงๅธธๅง”ๆœƒ็š„็ซ‹ๆณ•็ฏ„ๅœๅŒ…ๆ‹ฌ「ๅˆ†่ฃ‚ๅœ‹ๅฎถ、้ก›่ฆ†ๅœ‹ๅฎถๆ”ฟๆฌŠ、็ต„็น”ๅฏฆๆ–ฝๆๆ€–ๆดปๅ‹•็ญ‰ๅšด้‡ๅฑๅฎณๅœ‹ๅฎถๅฎ‰ๅ…จ็š„่กŒ็‚บไปฅๅŠๅค–ๅœ‹ๅ’Œๅขƒๅค–ๅ‹ขๅŠ›ๅนฒ้ ้ฆ™ๆธฏ็‰นๅ€ไบ‹ๅ‹™็š„ๆดปๅ‹•。」้€™ไบ›็ฏ„ๅœ็›ธ็•ถ็ฉบๆณ›,ๅฝฑ้ŸฟๅŠ่‡ณ้‡‘่ž、็ถ“ๆฟŸๅ’Œ็ถฒ็ตก้€š่จŠ,ๆ›ดๅฏไปฅๆถต่“‹ๅฎ—ๆ•™ๆˆ–้žๆ”ฟๅบœ็ต„็น”่ˆ‡ๅค–ๅœ‹ๅฎ—ๆ•™ๅœ˜้ซ”ๅ’Œ้žๆ”ฟๅบœ็ต„็น”็š„่ฏ็นซๅ’Œๅˆไฝœ,็”š่‡ณๅคงๅญธๅ’Œๅค–ๅœ‹ๅœ˜้ซ”็š„ๅˆไฝœ。ๅœ‹ๅฎถๅฎ‰ๅ…จๅ’Œๅ…ฌๆฐ‘ๆฌŠๅˆฉ็š„็•Œ็ทšๅฏไปฅ่ฎŠๅพ—ๅพˆๆจก็ณŠ,ๅฆ‚ๆžœไบบๅคงๅธธๅง”ๆœƒ้€š้Ž็š„ๆณ•ๅพ‹ๆŠต่งธ《ๅŸบๆœฌๆณ•》ๅ…งๅฐไบบๆฌŠ็š„ไฟ้šœ็š„ๆ™‚ๅ€™,้€™ๅฐ‡ๅฆ‚ไฝ•่™•็†?้ฆ™ๆธฏ็š„ๆณ•้™ขๆ˜ฏๅฆๅฏไปฅๅฎฃๅธƒไบบๅคงๅธธๅง”ๆœƒ็š„ๆณ•ๅพ‹ๅ› ็‚บ้•ๅ《ๅŸบๆœฌๆณ•》ๅ…งๅฐไบบๆฌŠ็š„ไฟ้šœ่€Œไบˆไปฅๆ’ค้Šท?
     ๆ›ดไปคไบบๆ“”ๅฟƒ็š„ๆ˜ฏๆณ•้™ข็š„่ง’่‰ฒ。ๆ นๆ“š็ฌฌ18ๆข,้™„ไปถไธ‰็š„ๆณ•ๅพ‹ๅฟ…้ ˆๆถ‰ๅŠๅœ‹้˜ฒ、ๅค–ไบคๅ’Œ้ฆ™ๆธฏ่‡ชๆฒป็ฏ„ๅœไปฅๅค–็š„ๆณ•ๅพ‹,่€Œๆ นๆ“š็ฌฌ19ๆข,้€™ไบ›ๅ•้กŒๆญฃๆ˜ฏ้ฆ™ๆธฏๆณ•้™ขๅฏฉๆ ธๆฌŠ็š„็ฏ„ๅœไปฅๅค–,้™ค้žไบบๅคงๅธธๅง”ๆœƒ็š„็ซ‹ๆณ•ๆ˜Ž็ขบ่ณฆไบˆ้ฆ™ๆธฏๆณ•้™ขๅฏฉๆ ธๆฌŠ,ๅฆๅ‰‡้ฆ™ๆธฏๆณ•้™ขๅฏ่ƒฝๆ นๆœฌๆฒ’ๆœ‰็ฎก่ฝ„ๆฌŠ่™•็†้€™ไบ›ๆกˆไปถ。
     ๅณไฝฟ้ฆ™ๆธฏๆณ•้™ขๆœ‰ๅฏฉๆ ธๆฌŠ,้ฆ™ๆธฏๆณ•้™ขๅฐ‡ๅฆ‚ไฝ•ๆผ”็นน้€™ๆขๅ…จๅœ‹ๆ€งๆณ•ๅพ‹?ๅœ‹ๅ…ง่‰ๆ“ฌๆณ•ๅพ‹ๅ’Œๆผ”็นนๆณ•ๅพ‹็š„ๆ–นๆณ•ๅ’Œๆ™ฎ้€šๆณ•็š„ๅŽŸๅ‰‡ๅ‡ๅคง็›ธ้€•ๅบญ,ๅœ‹ๅ…งๅฐๆณ•ๅพ‹็š„ๆผ”็นน,ๅŸบๆœฌไธŠไปฅๆ”ฟๆฒป่€ƒๆ…ฎๅ‡Œ้ง•ๆณ•ๅพ‹ๆขๆ–‡,ๅพžไบบๅคงๅธธๅง”ๆœƒๅฐ‡《ๅŸบๆœฌๆณ•》ๅ…งๅฐฑ่ทๅฎฃ่ช“็š„่ฆๆฑ‚่ฎŠ็‚บๅƒ้ธ็š„่ณ‡ๆ ผ,ๆˆ–ไธญ่ฏ่พฆๅฐ็ฌฌ22ๆขๅ…งๅœฐๆ”ฟๅบœ็š„้ƒจ้–€็š„่งฃ้‡‹,ๅ‡ๅฏไปฅ็œ‹ๅˆฐๅ…งๅœฐๅฐ่งฃ้‡‹ๆณ•ๅพ‹็š„ๅ–ๆ…‹。ๆˆ‘็ต•ๅฐ็›ธไฟก้ฆ™ๆธฏ็š„ๆณ•้™ขไธๆœƒๆŽก็ดๅ…งๅœฐ้‚ฃไธ€ๅฅ—ไพ†่งฃ้‡‹ๆˆ–ๅŸท่กŒ《ๆธฏๅ€็ถญ่ญทๅœ‹ๅฎถๅฎ‰ๅ…จๆณ•》,ไฝ†้€™ไพฟๅ‡บ็พๅฆไธ€ๅ€‹ๅ•้กŒ:่‹ฅ้ฆ™ๆธฏๆณ•้™ข็š„่งฃ้‡‹ไธฆไธ็ฌฆๅˆไบบๅคงๅธธๅง”ๆœƒ็š„ๆ„ๆ€,ไพ‹ๅฆ‚ๆณ•้™ขๅฐ‡็›ธ้—œ็š„็ฝช่กŒ็š„็ฏ„ๅœ็ธฎ็ช„ไปฅไฟ้šœไบบๆฌŠ,ๆˆ–่ช็‚บๆœ‰ไบ›ๆŽง็ฝช้•ๅ《ไบบๆฌŠๆณ•ๆกˆ》ๆˆ–《ๅŸบๆœฌๆณ•》ๅ…งๅฐไบบๆฌŠ็š„ไฟ้šœๆ™‚,ไบบๅคงๅธธๅง”ๆœƒๆœƒๆ‹ๆ‰‹็จฑ่ฎš,้‚„ๆ˜ฏๆฉซๅŠ ๅนฒ้ ?ๅœจ้ŽๅŽป,ไธญๅคฎๆ”ฟๅบœๅทฒไธๅชไธ€ๆฌกๆ‰น่ฉ•้ฆ™ๆธฏๆณ•้™ข็š„ๅˆคๆฑบ,ๅŽŸ่จŸๆณ•้™ขๅฐฑ《็ทŠๆ€ฅๆฌŠๅŠ›ๆณ•》็š„ๅˆคๆฑบไพฟๆƒนไพ†ไธญๅคฎๆ”ฟๅบœๅšดๅŽฒ็š„ๆ‰น่ฉ•。ๅฆ‚ๆžœๆณ•้™ข็š„ๅˆคๆฑบๆœ‰้•ไบบๅคงๅธธๅง”ๆœƒๆ‰€่ช็‚บ็š„็ซ‹ๆณ•ๅŽŸๆ„,ไบบๅคงๅธธๅง”ๆœƒๆ˜ฏๅฆๅฏไปฅๆฉซๅŠ ๅนฒ้ ?ๅ†่€…,ไฝœ็‚บไธ€ๆขๅ…จๅœ‹ๆ€งๆณ•ๅพ‹,ไบบๅคงๅธธๅง”ๆœƒๆœ‰่งฃ้‡‹่ฉฒๆณ•ๅพ‹็š„ๆฌŠๅŠ›,้›–็„ถ้€™่งฃ้‡‹ไธฆ้žๅฐ《ๅŸบๆœฌๆณ•》็š„่งฃ้‡‹,ไฝ†ๆ นๆ“š《็ซ‹ๆณ•ๆณ•》็ฌฌ47ๆข,้€™็จฎ่งฃ้‡‹่ˆ‡《ๆธฏๅ€็ถญ่ญทๅœ‹ๅฎถๅฎ‰ๅ…จๆณ•》ไบซๆœ‰ๅŒ็ญ‰ๆ•ˆๅŠ›,ๆ•…ๅฐ้ฆ™ๆธฏๆณ•้™ขๅŒๆจฃๆœ‰็ด„ๆŸๅŠ›。ๆ–ผๆ˜ฏ,้ฆ™ๆธฏๆณ•้™ขๅœจ่งฃ้‡‹《ๆธฏๅ€็ถญ่ญทๅœ‹ๅฎถๅฎ‰ๅ…จๆณ•》ๆ™‚,ๆๆ€•ไธๆœƒๆœ‰ๅคชๅคง็š„็ฉบ้–“。
     ๅฆไธ€ๅ€‹ๅ•้กŒๆ˜ฏ้€™้ƒจ《ๆธฏๅ€็ถญ่ญทๅœ‹ๅฎถๅฎ‰ๅ…จๆณ•》ๆ˜ฏๅฆๅ—ไบบๆฌŠ็š„็ด„ๅˆถ?ไฝœ็‚บไธ€้ƒจๅ…จๅœ‹ๆ€งๆณ•ๅพ‹,ไฝ†ๆ นๆ“š《็ซ‹ๆณ•ๆณ•》็ฌฌ79ๆข,ๅฎƒ็š„ๅœฐไฝๅ‡Œ้งกๆ–ผๅœฐๆ–นๆณ•ไพ‹ๅฆ‚《้ฆ™ๆธฏไบบๆฌŠๆณ•ๆกˆๆขไพ‹》,ๆ•…ไธๅ—ไบบๆฌŠๆณ•็š„็ด„ๆŸ。《ๅ…ฌๆฐ‘ๆฌŠๅˆฉๅ’Œๆ”ฟๆฒปๆฌŠๅˆฉๅœ‹้š›ๅ…ฌ็ด„》็š„ๅ‡Œ้ง•ๅœฐไฝไพ†่‡ช《ๅŸบๆœฌๆณ•》็ฌฌ39ๆข,ๅฎƒๅ’Œ《ๅŸบๆœฌๆณ•》ๅ…งไฟ้šœๅ…ถไป–ๅŸบๆœฌๆฌŠๅˆฉๅ’Œ่‡ช็”ฑ็š„ๆขๆฌพ,ๅŒๅฑฌๆ–ผ《ๅŸบๆœฌๆณ•》็š„ไธ€้ƒจๅˆ†,่€Œ《ๅŸบๆœฌๆณ•》ๆœฌ่บซไนŸๆ˜ฏๅ…จๅœ‹ๆ€งๆณ•ๅพ‹,่‹ฅๅ’Œ《ๆธฏๅ€็ถญ่ญทๅœ‹ๅฎถๅฎ‰ๅ…จๆณ•》ๆœ‰่ก็ช,ๆ นๆ“š《็ซ‹ๆณ•ๆณ•》็ฌฌ83ๅŠ85ๆข,ๅฐ‡ไปฅๅพŒ็ซ‹่€…ๆˆ–่ผƒๅ…ท้ซ”่€…็‚บๆบ–,《ๆธฏๅ€็ถญ่ญทๅœ‹ๅฎถๅฎ‰ๅ…จๆณ•》็‚บ่ผƒๅพŒ็ซ‹็š„ๆณ•ๅพ‹,ไบฆๆ˜ฏๅฐ‚ๆณจ่™•็†ๅœ‹ๅฎถๅฎ‰ๅ…จๅ•้กŒ,ๆ•…ๅพž้€™ไบ›ๅŽŸๅ‰‡่€ƒๆ…ฎ,่‹ฅ《ๆธฏๅ€็ถญ่ญทๅœ‹ๅฎถๅฎ‰ๅ…จๆณ•》่ˆ‡《ๅŸบๆœฌๆณ•》ๅ…งไฟ้šœไบบๆฌŠ็š„ๆขๆฌพๆˆ–ๅœ‹้š›ไบบๆฌŠๅ…ฌ็ด„็›ธๆ‰บ่งธ็š„,ไพฟไปฅ่ผƒๅ…ท้ซ”ๅ’Œ่ผƒๅพŒ็ซ‹็š„《ๆธฏๅ€็ถญ่ญทๅœ‹ๅฎถๅฎ‰ๅ…จๆณ•》็‚บๆบ–。
     ๆญคๅค–,ๆ›ดๆœ‰ไบบๆ่ญฐๅœ‹ๅฎถๅฎ‰ๅ…จๆณ•ๆ‡‰ไบค็”ฑไธ€็‰นๅˆฅๆณ•ๅบญ่™•็†,ไธฆ็”ฑๆฒ’ๆœ‰ๅค–ๅœ‹ๅฑ…็•™ๆฌŠ็š„ไธญๅœ‹ๅœ‹็ฑๆณ•ๅฎ˜ๅฏฉ็†。้•ๅๅœ‹ๅฎถๅฎ‰ๅ…จๆณ•็š„่กŒ็‚บไนŸๅฏ่ƒฝ้•ๅไธ€่ˆฌ็š„ๅˆ‘ๆณ•ๅฆ‚็ทƒ็ซๆˆ–่—ๆœ‰ๆ”ปๆ“Šๆ€งๆญฆๅ™จ็ญ‰,่‹ฅไปฅๅˆ‘ๆณ•่ตท่จดๅ‰‡็”ฑไธ€่ˆฌๆณ•ๅบญๅฏฉ็†,่‹ฅไปฅๅœ‹ๅฎถๅฎ‰ๅ…จๆณ•่ตท่จดๅ‰‡็”ฑๅฆไธ€็‰นๅˆฅๆณ•ๅบญๅ’Œ็‰นๅˆฅๆณ•ๅฎ˜ๅฏฉ็†,้€™ๆœƒไปคไบบ่ณช็–‘็‰นๅˆฅๆณ•ๅบญ็š„ๅ…ฌๆญฃๆ€ง,ๆญทๅฒไธŠ้€™้กžๆณ•ๅบญๅฆ‚15-17ไธ–็ด€่‹ฑๅœ‹็š„ๆ˜Ÿๆ˜Ÿๆณ•ๅบญ  Star Chambers)ๆˆ–20ไธ–็ด€ๅˆๅœจ่˜‡ไฟ„็š„ๅ้ฉๅ‘ฝๆณ•ๅบญ,ๅ‡ๆทช็‚บๆ‰“ๆ“Š็•ฐๅทฒ็š„ๆ”ฟๆฒปๅทฅๅ…ท。
     ๅฐๆณ•ๅฎ˜ไฝœๅ‡บๅœ‹็ฑ็š„่ฆๆฑ‚ๆ›ดๆœ‰้•《ๅŸบๆœฌๆณ•》,็ฌฌ92ๆขไพฟๆ˜Ž็ขบๆŒ‡ๅ‡บ,็‰นๅ€็š„ๆณ•ๅฎ˜ๅ’Œๅ…ถไป–ๅธๆณ•ไบบๅ“ก,「ๆ‡‰ๆ นๆ“šๅ…ถๆœฌไบบ็š„ๅธๆณ•ๅ’Œๅฐˆๆฅญๆ‰่ƒฝ้ธ็”จ,ไธฆๅฏๅพžๅ…ถไป–ๆ™ฎ้€šๆณ•้ฉ็”จๅœฐๅ€่˜็”จ」。้™ค็ต‚ๅฏฉ้™ข้™ขๅŠ้ซ˜็ญ‰ๆณ•้™ข็š„้ฆ–ๅธญๆณ•ๅฎ˜ๅค–,《ๅŸบๆœฌๆณ•》็‰นๆ„ๆฒ’ๆœ‰ๅฐๅ…ถไป–ๆณ•ๅฎ˜ไฝœๅ‡บๅœ‹็ฑ้™ๅˆถ,่€Œ็ฌฌ82ๆขๆ›ดๆ˜Žๆ–‡ๆŒ‡ๅ‡บ,็ต‚ๅฏฉๆณ•้™ขๅฏๆ นๆ“š้œ€่ฆ้‚€่ซ‹ๅ…ถไป–ๆ™ฎ้€šๆณ•้ฉ็”จๅœฐๅ€็š„ๆณ•ๅฎ˜ๅƒๅŠ ๅฏฉๅˆค。ๆ™ฎ้€šๆณ•็š„ๆณ•ๅฎ˜ๅฎฃ่ช“ๅ‘ๆณ•ๅพ‹ๆ•ˆๅฟ ,ๆณ•ๅฎ˜็š„่ท่ฒฌๅ’Œๅ…ฌๅนณไธฆไธๅ–ๆฑบๆ–ผๅ…ถๅœ‹็ฑ,่‹ฅๆ˜ฏๅพง้ —ๆˆ–ๆœ‰ๅˆฉ็›Š่ก็ช,็พๆ™‚ๅทฒๆœ‰ๆฉŸๅˆถ่™•็†。่‹ฅๅœ‹็ฑๆ˜ฏ็›ธ็ญ‰ๆ–ผ่ฆๆฑ‚ๆณ•ๅฎ˜ไปฅๆ„›ๅœ‹ๆ”ฟๆฒป็ซ‹ๅ ดไพ†ๅฏฉ็†ๆกˆไปถ,้€™ไพฟๅšด้‡็ ดๅฃžๅธๆณ•็จ็ซ‹็š„ๅŽŸๅ‰‡。

ๅœจ็‰นๅ€่จญ็ซ‹็ถญ่ญทๅœ‹ๅฎถๅฎ‰ๅ…จ็š„ๅœ‹ๅฎถๆฉŸ้—œ
็ฌฌไบ”,ไบบๅคงๆฑบ่ญฐๆ›ดๅฎน่จฑไธญๅคฎไบบๆฐ‘ๆ”ฟๅบœ็ถญ่ญทๅœ‹ๅฎถๅฎ‰ๅ…จ็š„ๆœ‰้—œๆฉŸๆง‹,ๅฏไปฅๅœจ็‰นๅ€่จญ็ซ‹ๆฉŸๆง‹,ไพๆณ•ๅฑฅ่กŒ็ถญ่ญทๅœ‹ๅฎถๅฎ‰ๅ…จ็š„็›ธ้—œ่ท่ฒฌ。้€™ๆ˜ฏไธ€ๅ€‹ไป€้บผๆฉŸๆง‹?้€™ๅ€‹ๅœ‹ๅฎถๆฉŸ้—œ็š„ๅœจๆธฏๆฉŸๆง‹,ๆๆ€•ไนŸไธๆ˜ฏ็ฌฌ22ๆขๆ‰€ๆŒ‡็š„ไธญๅคฎๆ”ฟๅบœ็š„ๆ‰€ๅฑฌ้ƒจ้–€,ไธๅ—็ฌฌ22ๆข็š„็ฎกๅˆถ。้€™ไบ›ๅœ‹ๅฎถๆฉŸ้—œๆœ‰ไป€้บผๆฌŠๅŠ›?ๅ—ๅˆฐไป€้บผ็›ฃ็ฎก?ๆ˜ฏๅฆๅฏไปฅๅœจ้ฆ™ๆธฏ่กŒไฝฟ่ชฟๆŸฅๆฌŠ?ๆ‹˜ๆ•ๆฌŠ?ๅฏฉๅ•ๆฌŠ?ๅœ‹ๅ…ง็š„ๅœ‹ๅฎถๅฎ‰ๅ…จๅฑ€ๆœ‰้žๅธธๅปฃๆณ›็š„ๆฌŠๅŠ›,ๅŒ…ๆ‹ฌๅตๆŸฅ、ๆ‹˜็•™、้ ๅฏฉๅ’ŒๅŸท่กŒ้€ฎๆ•็š„ๆฌŠๅŠ›,่กŒไบ‹ไบฆๆฒ’ๆœ‰ไป€้บผ้€ๆ˜Žๅบฆ,ๅฎน่จฑๅœ‹ๅฎถๆฉŸ้—œๅœจ้ฆ™ๆธฏ้€ฒ่กŒๅŸทๆณ•็š„ๆดปๅ‹•,ๅˆๅฆ‚ไฝ•็ฌฆๅˆ《ๅŸบๆœฌๆณ•》็š„่ฆๅฎš?


ไธ€ๅœ‹ๅ…ฉๅˆถ็š„ๅ“€ๆญŒ
ๅœจ็Ÿญ็Ÿญๅนพๆ˜ŸๆœŸๅ…ง,ๅ…ˆๅพŒๆœ‰ไธญ่ฏ่พฆ้ซ˜่ชฟ่ฒ็จฑๅฎƒๅ€‘ไธๆ˜ฏไธ€ๅ€‹ไธญๅคฎๆ”ฟๅบœ็š„้ƒจ้–€,ๅŒๆ™‚่‚ฉ่ฒ ็›ฃ็ฃ《ๅŸบๆœฌๆณ•》็š„ๅฏฆๆ–ฝ็š„ๆฌŠๅŠ›,็„ถๅพŒๆ•™่‚ฒๅฑ€ไปฅๆ”ฟๆฒป็†็”ฑๅ‘่€ƒ่ฉ•ๅฑ€ๆ–ฝๅฃ“,ๅ–ๆถˆไธญๅญธๆ–‡ๆ†‘่ฉฆๆญทๅฒ็ง‘็š„ไธ€ๆข่ฉฆ้กŒ,็นผ่€Œๅปฃ็ฎกๅฑ€่ฃๆฑบ「้ ญๆขๆ–ฐ่ž」้•ๅๅปฃๆ’ญไบ‹ๅ‹™ๅฎˆๅ‰‡,่ทŸ็€ๆ˜ฏไธญๅคฎๆ”ฟๅบœๆฑบๅฎš็‚บ้ฆ™ๆธฏ็›ดๆŽฅ็ซ‹ๆณ•,้€™ไธ€้€ฃไธฒ็š„่ˆ‰ๅ‹•,ๅˆๆ€Žไธไปคไบบๆ‡ท็–‘,้ฆ™ๆธฏ้‚„ๆœ‰ๅคšๅฐ‘้ซ˜ๅบฆ่‡ชๆฒปๅฏ่จ€?
     ไธ€ๅœ‹ๅ…ฉๅˆถไธญ,ๆณ•ๅพ‹ๅˆถๅบฆๆ˜ฏๅ…ฉๅˆถ็š„ๆœ€ๅคงไนŸๆ˜ฏ็พไปŠๅ”ฏไธ€็š„ๅˆ†ๅˆฅ,《ๅŸบๆœฌๆณ•》็š„่จญ่จˆๆ˜ฏๅ…งๅœฐ็š„ๆณ•ๅพ‹ไธๆœƒ้ฉ็”จๆ–ผ้ฆ™ๆธฏ,ๅ…งๅœฐไนŸไธๆœƒ็‚บ้ฆ™ๆธฏ็ซ‹ๆณ•,ไธญๅคฎไธๆœƒ็‚บ้ฆ™ๆธฏ็ซ‹ๆณ•,ๅ…งๅœฐๅŸทๆณ•ไบบๅ“กไธๅœจ้ฆ™ๆธฏๅŸทๆณ•,้ฆ™ๆธฏ็š„้•ๆณ•่กŒ็‚บ็”ฑ้ฆ™ๆธฏ็š„ๆณ•้™ขๅฏฉ็†,้€™ๅนพๆข็ถญ่ญทไธ€ๅœ‹ๅ…ฉๅˆถ็š„ๆ”ฏๆŸฑ,้ƒฝ็ตฆ้€™ๆฌกไบบๅคง็š„ๆฑบ่ญฐๆ‰€็ฒ‰็ขŽ,ๅ…ฉๅˆถ็š„ๅˆ†ๅˆฅไนŸ่ฎŠๅพ—ๆ„ˆไพ†ๆ„ˆๆจก็ณŠไบ†。
      ๆœ‰ไบบ่ช็‚บ,่‹ฅๆžœ็•ถๆ—ฅ้€š้Ž็ฌฌ23ๆข็ซ‹ๆณ•,ไพฟไธๆœƒๅผ„่‡ดไปŠๅคฉ็š„ๅฑ€้ข,ๆˆ‘ๆๆ€•้€™ๅชๆ˜ฏไธ€ๅป‚ๆƒ…้ก˜็š„่ชชๆณ•。ๅผ•่‡ดไปŠๅคฉ็š„ๅฑ€้ขๆœ‰ๅคš็จฎไธๅŒ็š„ๅŽŸๅ› ,ๅ‰็ธฝ็†ๆบซๅฎถๅฏถๆ—ฉๅนดๅทฒๅ›‘ๅ’็‰นๅ€่ฆ่™•็†ๅฅฝ้ฆ™ๆธฏ็š„ๆทฑๅฑคๆฌก็Ÿ›็›พ,ไธŠไปป็‰นๅ€ๆ”ฟๅบœ็ฝฎไน‹ไธ็†,ๅ่€Œๅˆฐ่™•ๆŒ‘่ตทไบ‹็ซฏ,ๅŠ ๅЇ้ฆ™ๆธฏ็š„ๅ…ง้ƒจ็Ÿ›็›พ。็พไปปๆ”ฟๅบœๅ‰‡ๅ‰›ๆ„Ž่‡ช็”จ,ๆผ ่ฆ–ๆฐ‘ๆ„,ๅคšๆฌก้Œฏ้Ž่งฃๆฑบ็คพๆœƒ็Ÿ›็›พ็š„ๅฅ‘ๆฉŸ,ๅ†ๅŠ ไธŠๅค–ๅœไธญ็พŽ็š„่ฒฟๆ˜“็ฃจๆ“ฆๅ’Œๆ”ฟๆฒป่ง’ๅŠ›,ๆ‰ๆœƒๅฝขๆˆไปŠๅคฉ็š„ๅฑ€้ข。ๅณไฝฟ็•ถๅนด้€š้Ž็ฌฌ23ๆข็ซ‹ๆณ•,ๆœ€่ฟ‘ๅ…ฉไปป็‰นๅ€ๆ”ฟๅบœ่™•็†้ฆ™ๆธฏๅ•้กŒ็š„ๆ‹™ๅŠฃๆ‰‹ๆณ•,็พๆ™‚้€™ไบ›็Ÿ›็›พๅ’Œ่ก็ชๆๆ€•้‚„ๆ˜ฏ็„กๅฏ้ฟๅ…。ๅฐไธๅฐ‘้ฆ™ๆธฏไบบ่€Œ่จ€,้ฆ™ๆธฏ็›ฎๅ‰็š„ๅ•้กŒไธป่ฆ้‚„ๆ˜ฏไธ€ๅ€‹็คพๆœƒ็งฉๅบๅ’Œๆฒปๅฎ‰็š„ๅ•้กŒ,ๅๆ˜ ๅฐ็‰นๅ€ๆ”ฟๅบœ็š„ไธๆปฟ,ๅ’Œๅœ‹ๅฎถๅฎ‰ๅ…จๆฒพไธไธŠ้—œไฟ‚。
     ๅฐไธญๅคฎ่€Œ่จ€,ๅฎƒ็ธฝๆ˜ฏ็›ธไฟก้€™ไธ€ๅˆ‡้ƒฝๆ˜ฏๅ‡บๆ–ผๅค–ๅœ‹ๅ‹ขๅŠ›็š„็ญ–ๅŠƒๅ’Œ้™ฐ่ฌ€,่ฆๅฐ‡ๅ•้กŒๆๅ‡่‡ณๅœ‹ๅฎถๅฎ‰ๅ…จ็š„ๅฑค้ข,็”š่‡ณไธๆƒœๆŽกๅ–ๅพนๅบ•็ ดๅฃžไธ€ๅœ‹ๅ…ฉๅˆถ็š„่™•็†ๆ–นๆณ•,่€Œไธๆ˜ฏๅ‘ๆญทไปป็‰นๅ€ๆ”ฟๅบœๅ•่ฒฌ。ไธญๅคฎ็š„ๆฑบๅฎš,ๆœ‰ๅคšๅฐ‘ๅ‡บๆ–ผไธ€ไบ›ไบบ็š„ๅฑ่จ€่ณ่ฝ,ๆŽจๆณขๅŠฉ็€พ,ๆๆ€•ๅช่ƒฝ็”ฑๆญทๅฒๅˆคๆ–ท。ๆฌŠๅŠ›ๅœจๆ–ผไธญๅคฎ,ไบบๅคงๅธธๅง”ๆœƒ้€š้Ž็ซ‹ๆณ•ไน‹ๅพŒ,ๅ•้กŒไพฟๅฏไปฅ่งฃๆฑบๅ—Ž?้šจไน‹่€Œไพ†ๆœƒๆ˜ฏไธ€้€ฃไธฒ็š„ๆชขๆŽง、ๆ‰“ๅฃ“ๅ’Œ็ฎๅˆถ,ๅ‹™ๆฑ‚ไปค้ฆ™ๆธฏ่ฎŠ็‚บไธ€ๅ€‹ไธๆ‡‚ๆ€่€ƒ,ไธๆ•ข่ณช็–‘ๆฌŠๅ‹ข,ๅ”ฏๅ”ฏ่ซพ่ซพ็š„้ †ๆฐ‘็คพๆœƒ。ไธญๅคฎๆ”ฟๅบœๅฟƒ็›ฎไธญ็š„ไธ€ๅœ‹ๅ…ฉๅˆถ,ๆๆ€•ๅชๆ˜ฏไธ€ๅ€‹ๅœ‹ๅฎถๅ…ฉ็จฎ็ถ“ๆฟŸๅˆถๅบฆ,ไธ่ฆๆœ‰ไป€้บผๅ…ฌๆฐ‘็คพๆœƒ,ๆ›ดไธ่ฆๆœ‰็”š้บฝ็จ็ซ‹ๆ€่€ƒๆˆ–ๆ ธๅฟƒๅƒนๅ€ผ,ๆ›ดๅนฒ่ฌไธ่ƒฝ่ณช็–‘ๆฌŠ่ฒด。
     ๆœ‰ไบบ่ชฌ,ๅœ‹ๅฎถๅฎ‰ๅ…จๆณ•ๅชๆ˜ฏ้‡ๅฐๅฐ‘ๆ•ธ็ ดๅฃžๅœ‹ๅฎถๅฎ‰ๅ…จ็š„ๆป‹ไบ‹ๅˆ†ๅญ,ๅ•้กŒๆ˜ฏ็”ฑ่ชฐไพ†ๆฑบๅฎš้‚ฃไบ›ไบบๅฃซๅฑฌๆ–ผ้‚ฃๅฐ‘ๆ•ธๆป‹ไบ‹ๅˆ†ๅญ。ๅœจไธๅฐ‘ๆณ•ๆฒป่–„ๅผฑ็š„ๅœ‹ๅฎถ,ไธๅฐ‘ๆณ•ๅพ‹็•ถๅˆไนŸๅชๆ˜ฏ็‚บๆ‰“ๆ“Šๅฐ‘ๆ•ธ็Šฏ็ฝชๅˆ†ๅญ,ไฝ†่ทŸ็€ไพฟๆ˜ฏ็”จไพ†ๆ‰“ๆ“Šๆ”ฟๆ•ต,็นผ่€Œๅผ•ไผธ่‡ณ็•ฐ่ฆ‹ไบบๅฃซ、็ถญๆฌŠๅพ‹ๅธซ、ๅฎ—ๆ•™้ ˜่ข–、ๅ‚ณๅช’、ๆ•™่‚ฒ็•Œๅ’Œๅญธ่€…,็„ถๅพŒๆ˜ฏไปปไฝ•่ขซ่ฆ–็‚บๅฐๆ”ฟๆฌŠๆœ‰ๅจ่„…็š„ไบบๅฃซ。
็ถ“ๆญคไธ€ๅฝน,้ฆ™ๆธฏ็š„ๅ…ฌๅ…ฑ็ฉบ้–“ๅชๆœƒ่ถŠ่ถจ็‹น็ช„,ไบ‹ไบ‹่ฌ›ๆฑ‚ๆ”ฟๆฒปๆญฃ็ขบ 。ๆญทๅฒ็ตฆๆˆ‘ๅ€‘็š„ๆ•™่จ“ๆ˜ฏๅฃ“่ฟซ็š„ๆ‰‹ๆฎตๅชๆœƒ่ถŠไพ†่ถŠ้ซ˜ๅฃ“,่€Œไธๆœƒ่ถŠไพ†่ถŠ้–‹ๆ˜Ž,้ซ˜ๅบฆ่‡ชๆฒปๅชๆœƒๆ˜ฏๅๅญ˜ๅฏฆไบก,้€™ๆ˜ฏไธ€ๅœ‹ๅ…ฉๅˆถ็š„ๅ“€ๆญŒ。

(ๅŽŸๆ–‡ๅˆ‹็™ปๆ–ผ《ๆ˜Žๅ ฑ》,2020ๅนด5ๆœˆ25ๆ—ฅ,ๆญค็‚บไฟฎ่จ‚็‰ˆ)