Showing posts with label rule of law. Show all posts
Showing posts with label rule of law. Show all posts

Wednesday, February 25, 2026

Raymond Wacks on The Rule of Law Under Fire: Will it Survive? (Hart Publishing)

The Rule of Law Under Fire: Will it Survive? (Second Edition)
Raymond Wacks (Emeritus Professor)
Hart Publishing
Published on 19 February 2026

Description

Does the upsurge in populism, authoritarianism, and nationalism threaten the future of the rule of law? In this highly topical book, Raymond Wacks explores the philosophical roots of the concept, and its modern, often controversial, interpretation.

He explores numerous ideological, economic, legal, and institutional attacks on the rule of law. They range from the exercise of judicial and administrative discretion, and parliamentary sovereignty to the growth of globalisation, the 'war on terror', and the increasing power of Big Tech and especially artificial intelligence. The author identifies which threats pose genuine risks to the rule of law, and suggests how they might be confronted to ensure that democratic freedom is successfully fortified and conserved.

(Please click here to view the book reviews of the First Edition)

Monday, February 2, 2026

Benjamin Chen on Do Linguistic Canons Matter? (Connecticut Law Review)

"Do Linguistic Canons Matter?"
Benjamin Chen
Connecticut Law Review
Published online: December 2025

Abstract: For a long time, linguistic canons have been dismissed as dissonant and deficient. But there are ambitions to make linguistic canons guide again. Maxim majoritarianism promises to dissolve opposing canons through the elimination of unsupported pretenders. By empirically identifying the canons that register dominant habits of speech, contemporary jurists hope to bring order to the practice of statutory interpretation.

This Article submits that maxim majoritarianism is futile. It argues that arbitrating between rival canons poses conceptual difficulties that are virtually impossible to resolve. At the same time, it maintains that the co-existence of canon and counter-canon is not necessarily embarrassing. Like practical proverbs, linguistic canons can—and can only—matter if they change beliefs, judgments, and actions—that is, if they are efficacious.

So, do linguistic canons matter? An original experiment tests the efficacy of four classic canons on over 1,500 everyday speakers of English. The last antecedent rule, noscitur a sociis, did not seem to influence how participants construed ambiguous text whereas expressio unius did. These results might be interpreted as further proof of the hollowness of linguistic canons. Yet they also leave open the possibility that linguistic canons can, by signaling avenues of further inquiry, cast fresh light on the ordinary meaning of the law.

Friday, January 30, 2026

Anfield Tam, Hilary So, Trevor Wan, and Eric Ip on From Ashes to Accountability: The Hong Kong Basic Law’s Blueprint for the Common Good and the Rule of Law in the Wake of the Tai Po Fire (I-CONnect)

"From Ashes to Accountability: The Hong Kong Basic Law’s Blueprint for the Common Good and the Rule of Law in the Wake of the Tai Po Fire"
Anfield Tam (BSS (GL) & LLB graduate), Hilary So (JD graduate), Trevor Wan and Eric Ip
I-CONnect: Blog of the International Society of Public Law
Published online: January 2026

Introduction:

On November 26, 2025, a catastrophic fire tore through Wang Fuk Court, a 42-year old public housing estate in Tai Po District, Hong Kong. Ignited amid major renovations, the blaze, fueled by flammable scaffolding nets and polystyrene panels, spread swiftly across seven towers, raging for over 43 hours. It claimed 168 lives (including one firefighter), injured 79 others, and displaced thousands, making it the third-deadliest blaze in the 180-year span of modern Hong Kong history and more than twice as fatal as London’s 2017 Grenfell Tower fire.

Public grief mingled with solidarity: volunteers rallied with aid, memorials bloomed with tributes, yet fury grew over ignored warnings, substandard building materials, and oversight failures in the HK$330 million (US$42.4 million) renovation project. Occurring within Hong Kong’s evolving “one country, two systems” constitutional structure, shaped by new national security laws, electoral reforms for “governance by patriots”, and subdued politics post-2019 protests and COVID-19, the disaster has deepened distrust and probed the rule of law’s endurance. Drawing on Lord Bingham’s classic definition, the rule of law demands accessible, predictable laws that protect rights, restrain power, and ensure fair adjudication. These principles underpin the common good: shared conditions for safe, flourishing lives, enshrined in the Hong Kong Basic Law and the Bill of Rights, incorporating the ICCPR (Article 39). Yet, we argue in this post that translating these into vigilant governance remains elusive in Hong Kong.

The Tai Po fire emerges as a profound litmus test: Can Hong Kong’s public law truly shield vulnerable communities through consistent enforcement and impartial accountability? By linking Lord Bingham’s contemporary formulation of the rule of law to ancient Aristotelian notions of the common good, this analysis that follows bridges Anglo-American and continental jurisprudential traditions. For comparative public law scholars, it offers a compelling window into the resilience of common law amid tightening political pressures. Our analysis explores housing safety, inquiry and inquest mechanisms, Owners’ Corporations, and advocates steadfast adherence to Basic Law values to reclaim justice and the common good.

(Please click here to view full text on I-CONnect: Blog of the International Society of Public Law)

Thursday, February 8, 2024

Shane Chalmers on The Rule of Law and International Development (OUP book chapter)

"The Rule of Law and International Development"
Shane Chalmers
in Ruth Buchanan (ed.), Luis Eslava (ed.), Sundhya Pahuja (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of International Law and Development (Oxford University Press 2023) Chapter 5
Published online: December 2023

Abstract: The aim of this chapter is twofold: to provide an overview of the international development project’s ‘rule of law’ agenda, and to do so in a way that shows its mythological character. In 1992 Peter Fitzpatrick published The Mythology of Modern Law, a work that exposed the constitutive relation between Europe’s racialised imperialism and its conception of modern law. In the three decades since, a renewed field of law and development has grown, this time in the name of ‘the rule of law’. This chapter shows how the mythology of modern law endures in this field of rule-of-law development. The analysis shows how the mythology of modern law, in its racialised imperial form, is integral to the work of international rule-of-law promotion. One consequence is the denial of ‘local’ law by a rule of law that obtains its authority by purporting to be responsive to legal pluralism.

Tuesday, August 29, 2023

Alec Stone Sweet et al on Breaching the Taboo? Constitutional Dimensions of the New Chinese Civil Code (Asian Journal of Comparative Law)

 

"Breaching the Taboo? Constitutional Dimensions of the New Chinese Civil Code Asian Journal of Comparative Law"
Alec Stone Sweet, Chong Bu and Ding Zhuo
Asian Journal of Comparative Law
Published online: 25 May 2023
Abstract: Chinese elites have celebrated its new Civil Code (2021) as the most important statute in the nation's history, and the ‘cornerstone’ of its turn toward ‘rule of law’. The Code expressly binds all persons, as well as public officials, and is judicially enforceable. The statute enshrines rights to dignity, equality, personal liberty, property, and privacy, among others, and codifies duties to protect the environment and to evolve effective means to combat sexual harassment. Echoing the German Code, the statute also contains ‘general clauses’ that enable the courts to restrict enumerated rights and entitlements for reasons of ‘good morals’, ‘public order’, and the rights of others. While constituting an act of massive delegation to the courts, judges remain prohibited from directly enforcing the PRC's Constitution. The article explores the relationship between the Code and Constitution, through a comparative analysis of: (i) the process of ‘constitutionalising’ the private law around the globe; (ii) the scholarly discourse on the ‘horizontal effect’ of rights in China; (iii) the structure of the Code itself; and (iv) the development of ‘political’ control mechanisms, to be deployed by the Communist Party of China and organs of the state to constrain how judges use their interpretive powers.

Wednesday, June 21, 2023

Roda Mushkat on Radical Overall of Hong Kong’s Governance Regime: Likely Implications for Prosperity and Stability (Notre Dame Journal of International & Comparative Law)

Volume 13, Issue 1
Published in 2023
Abstract: Constitutional evolution is normally a steady process, with the prevailing equilibrium seldom punctuated. Sharp reversals periodically occur but they are uncommon, usually confined to low-income and lower middle-income countries. The introduction of a draconian national security law and its heavy-handed enforcement in the affluent Hong Kong capitalist enclave, serving as one of the world economy’s pivotal global metropolises, thus amounts to a historically unprecedented emasculation of a sound and well-thought-out governance architecture. The abrupt unraveling of a semi-democratic infrastructure, pulverizing of key components of a time-honored rule-of-law system, and erosion of international legal personality has been breathtaking and profoundly disconcerting. Yet, the ramifications of this dramatic turn of events have so far been narrowly examined, with the impact on the twin strategic goals of prosperity and socio-political stability largely overlooked. This is an issue that deeply concerns Hong Kong’s many stakeholders, and insights derived from the law-and-economics and law-and-politics literature suggest that the agonizing revamp of the governance regime bodes ill for the territory and, by extension, those engaged with it economically and otherwise.

Wednesday, March 9, 2022

How to Catch a Thief? (Henry Litton)

HOW TO CATCH A THIEF?
Henry Litton, Honorary Professor

Introduction
Hong Kong has a wide panoply of laws protecting personal rights, including rights of property. Many would say that the courts have, for the past 20-odd years, over-emphasized personal rights to the detriment of community interests. They have, on many occasions, allowed lawyers to turn the Basic Law into a weapon of mass destruction, to strike at regulatory regimes established by local law. The Face Mask case is a good example.
     The culture of the Judiciary leans heavily in that direction. Would the courts go even further and, applying the same criteria, allow the full weight of the law to be deployed to protect private property which might constitute the proceeds of serious crime? Everyone would say: You must be joking.
     This essay examines two recent cases where Bench and Bar danced hand in hand, flirting with this possibility. And it would seem that, in the second of the two cases – Tam Sze Leung v Commissioner of Police [2021] HKCFI 3118 (Coleman J) – a judge of first instance has in effect struck down the entire statutory regime dealing with the investigation of organised and serious crime involving banks and other financial institutions, though he did not actually say so: pending, he said, a “further round of submissions” from counsel. Tam Sze Leung bears the title “Judgment” – 79 pages of it – but all it “adjudged” as things stand today is this: counsel for the applicants, according to the judge, had won the debate on two legal points, but he shied away from the consequences of that finding. No order was made. So the matter hangs in the air. And there is a further problem. An earlier judgment from the Court of Appeal – Interush Ltd v Commissioner of Police [2019] HKCA 70 (Cheung, Yuen JJA and G Lam J)– had ruled that the statutory regime was constitutional.

Banks and Financial Institutions
Banks are, on the whole, highly respected institutions. Most people have bank accounts. Bank of China, HSBC, Bank of East Asia are household names with global reach. The range of their customers would be immense, from princes to peasants, from the highly respectable, the questionable, to the downright crook. Whilst, in theory, a cardinal principle of good banking is “know your customer”, in practice that is not possible in every case.

International Transfers
Moving money internationally is core banking business, and that is where organised crime comes in. Drug trafficking, for instance, takes place on an international scale; the proceeds are immense. Money is the life-blood of drug trafficking and other serious organised crimes. When money is placed in a bank account, held by a proxy, it takes on a veneer of respectability. When transferred through banking processes, the money gets “laundered”. The UN Office on Drugs and Crime estimates that the amount of money laundered globally is 2-5% of world GDP; that is, US$800 billion to US$2 trillion annually.

War on Money Laundering
To combat this worldwide menace, developed countries have adopted similar solutions: to enlist the help of banks and other financial institutions in the investigation of organised crime, and to adopt measures to deprive criminals of their proceeds of crime.

Hong Kong Legislation
In Hong Kong the Drug Trafficking (Recovery of Proceeds) Ordinance (Cap 405), was amended in 1995 to add Part V to the statute; in particular, sections 25(1) and 25A. These sections, in essence (1) require a bank, when it “knows or suspects” that money held in an account represents the proceeds of crime, to disclose that knowledge or suspicion to an authorised officer; and (2) criminalise the bank if, having such knowledge or suspicion, it deals with those proceeds without consent from the authority.
     At the same time provisions identical to sections 25 and 25A of Cap 405 were enacted to deal with other organised and serious crimes by passing the Organized and Serious Crimes Ordinance (Cap 455).

Investigative Process
As part of the mechanism in its investigative process, the Hong Kong police has set up a unit called the Joint Financial Intelligence Unit (JFIU) to work with the banks. The head of that unit constitutes the “authorised officer” for the purposes of statutory disclosures under s 25A of the Ordinance.
     The relationship between the banks and the JFIU is a delicate one. Banks have contractual obligations to their account-holders. Where police suspicion is aroused, its focus is on the criminals involved; any money and assets held in a bank account is only one of the components in their investigation. By its very nature, it is an ongoing process and there can be no parameters to an investigation. One clue leads to another.

“No Consent Scheme”
Banks have internal records which, when analysed, might provide clues to the source of funds kept in an account. But, at the start of an investigation, these records are not accessible to the police. Hence any investigation under Part V of Cap 455 must necessarily involve liaison with the relevant bank. For this purpose the police has formulated guidelines or protocols in their Force Procedure Manual under the heading of “NO-CONSENT Mechanism in respect of Property held by Financial Institutions”.
      Where the police, from external sources, have reason to believe that an account-holder might be involved in serious organised crime, the first step, obviously, is to relay its concern to the highest management levels of the bank. Confidentiality would be crucial to preserve the integrity of the investigation. There can be no standard response from the bank. It may concern a long-standing customer of utmost integrity, or perhaps a case of mistaken identity; or it could be a borderline case that requires further investigation internally. It is a matter for the bank alone to assess what risks it runs in continuing to deal with the customer. All this comes under a label called a “Suspicious Transactions Report” (STR).
     When the police has received the STR, how the JFIU and the bank then manage their relationship would depend on multiple factors relevant to the investigation. If, for instance, amounts are regularly taken out of a suspect account, the police might wish for that to continue, in order not to arouse the account-holder’s suspicion; or it might be to trace the recipient of those funds. The local account-holder might be a mere nominee for a kingpin overseas, the prime target of the investigation. In terms of s 25A what this means is that, though the funds have come under suspicion – and dealing would constitute an unlawful act – the bank is relieved of criminal liability by the police taking no action, allowing the dealing to continue. But the primary responsibility for not dealing with tainted property rests always with the bank.

“LNCs”
There may come a time when the investigation has matured to the extent that funds in the account should be temporarily frozen to enable the next step to be taken: arrest of the suspect and an ex parte application made under s 15 of the Ordinance for a restraint order over the funds. The mechanism for this process, where the police tells the bank that withdrawals are no longer allowed, as far as the police is concerned, came to be known as “letters of no consent” (LNCs). The effect, of course, is that the bank comes under notice that any dealing with the funds would be considered a criminal act under s 25(1) of the Ordinance.
     The suspension (or “freezing”) of the account would be an act of the bank, depending on its assessment of the situation. In some cases, banks have written agreements with account-holders which confer a wide discretion on the bank to suspend an account, to protect the bank’s own interests. The bank would then not need an LNC to suspend the customer’s account, if it considers it necessary to do so.
    At the time when an LNC is issued, the bank would probably have far more information on the customer than the police, through its internal records, or interviews with the customer. The police is not infallible. It is possible that the bank disagrees with the police assessment. To preserve a valued relationship with the customer, it is possible that the bank ignores the LNC, or delays acting on it.
     It is worth noting that the statute itself contemplates the possibility of the police having made a mistake; s 29 of Cap.455 makes provisions for the government to pay compensation where, for instance, criminal proceedings against the suspect resulted in acquittal.

Convenient Labels
As can be seen, "STRs" (suspicious transactions reports), “LNCs” (letters of no consent) etc are mere labels to indicate steps in an ongoing investigation, sign-posting the stage of the continuing liaison between the police and the bank under the s 25 and s 25A statutory regime. In the meanwhile the account-holder remains in ignorance; the integrity of the investigation might be fatally compromised if he knew what was going on. There can be no hard and fast rules regulating the conduct of the parties – the police and the bank – in operating what came to be known as the “No Consent Regime”.
     “Regime” is, perhaps, too strong a word, as no rights or liabilities of any kind exist under that arrangement. Plainly, there is no room for judicial intervention in this process. Under normal circumstances, there can be no justiciable issues which could arise from the way banks and the police work together under the s 25 and s.25A statutory regime. It is fruitless to speculate as to what might happen if the police used the LNCs process for some ulterior or illegitimate purpose. In the two cases under discussion, there was no suggestion that the police had acted improperly in any way.
      But this, alas, did not deter lawyers chancing their arms.

A. Interush Ltd v Commissioner of Police [2019] HKCA 70 (Cheung, Yuen JJA and G Lam J)
This is a judgment (49 pages) delivered by the Court of Appeal on 17 January 2019, following a hearing in October 2018. It dealt with events going back to 2013.
     The first-named company had substantial accounts with the Heng Seng Bank and the Bank of East Asia. It was suspected of operating a pyramid scheme involving Mainland investors, contrary to the Pyramid Schemes Prohibition Ordinance (Cap 617).
     On 1 November 2013, the police started an investigation, having been alerted by a newspaper article. On the same day the Bank of East Asia suspended the company’s accounts under the terms of a merchants’ agreement, and the Heng Seng Bank gave an STR to the JFIU.
     On 6 November the police sent to the Heng Seng Bank an LNC covering the accounts held by the applicants. That bank also suspended the company’s accounts. It is not clear when suspension took place. In subsequent proceedings the Heng Seng Bank asserted that, under its agreement with the company, it too had the contractual right to suspend accounts at its discretion, to protect its own interests. By implication, it was saying that the LNC was an unnecessary step.
     Following searches at the company’s office, five members of the company’s senior management were arrested. Two days later the CEO surrendered to the police. He too was arrested, and subsequently charged. Analysis of the company’s books revealed massive transactions involving 49,000 “investors” from several provinces in China. Inevitably, the investigation took a considerable time.
     In July 2014 the company started civil proceedings against the two banks. Later on in the same year, it applied for judicial review against the police.

The Judicial Review
On 10 February 2015, Au J gave leave to start proceedings for judicial review. The application was heard by Patrick Li J in June 2015. The judge described it as a judicial review “on the constitutionality of s. 25 and 25A” of Cap 455. At the same time the applicants also challenged “the propriety of the decision-making process under s.25A(2)(a) - no consent scheme”.
     Section 25A(2)(a) says:
“If a person who has made a disclosure referred to in subsection (1) does any act in contravention of section 25(1) ( whether before or after such disclosure ),and the disclosure relates to that act, he does not commit an offence under that section if (a) that disclosure is made before he does that act and he does that act with the consent of an authorized officer...”
After much huffing and puffing, counsel’s arguments boiled down to one point: There was no time limit to an LNC and that rendered the “no-consent scheme” unlawful. As to which Patrick Li J said:
“It may minimize dispute if time limits are set out in the law. This however is a matter of social choice after balancing the rights of an individual and the public interest in crime prevention and law enforcement. Ultimately, it is the decision of the Legislative Council. It is impossible for this court to decide what is the appropriate time limit”.
By his judgment of 5 August 2015, the judge dismissed the application.
     Over three years later, the company’s appeal was heard by the Court of Appeal on 19 and 22 October 2018. By that time the matter was utterly stale and of no practical consequence, for the “indictable offence” under which the company’s CEO was charged failed: he was acquitted after trial on 31 May 2017.

Constitutional Challenge
Why the Court of Appeal proceeded with hearing the appeal is a mystery. The relief sought in the judicial review application is breath-taking. The applicants wanted, among other declaratory relief, a declaration that ss 25(1) and 25A of the Organized and Serious Crimes Ordinance are unconstitutional for being inconsistent with the protected rights under Articles 6 and 105 of the Basic Law, reversing Patrick Li J’s finding. In other words, the entire scheme for combating organised and serious crime, involving banks and financial institutions (and other third parties), must be erased from the statute book, in the protection of the applicant’s private property rights (which might have constituted proceeds of crime).
     At para 6.5 Cheung JA, giving the first judgment, said this:
“In my view, section 25 whether by itself or in combination with section 25A does not engage property rights. Section 25 merely sets out the creation of the offence of dealing with property known or believed to be the proceeds of an indictable offence. By no stretch of the imagination can this section be held to have an effect on the property rights of the applicants. However, section 25A is a different story. In coming to this view I respectfully adopt the analysis in Garnet”.
An Odd Approach
This is a very odd approach. “Garnet” refers a judgment of the Guernsey Court of Appeal where BNP bank account-holder Garnet Investment Ltd had sought the relevant authority’s consent to allow dealings with its bank account; the authority (Financial Intelligence Service) had refused to give consent. The factual basis of the applicant’s case was that the authority’s refusal was a wrongful act in public law. It was fact-specific. If the application for relief had succeeded, that would have affected the applicant company, the BNP bank and no-one else. But in the case before Cheung JA, the relief sought was a declaration that the entire statutory scheme comprised in s 25(1) and 25A was unconstitutional; if granted it would have affected the entire community, not simply the applicant companies and the banks involved.
     The case turned on a proper interpretation of Articles 6 and 105 of the Basic Law, as applied to s 25(1) and 25A; it is bizarre to think that a Guernsey court had anything to say about that.

The Mountain of Words
With such an approach, it is not surprising that the judgment descended into an account of counsel’s arguments and counter-arguments covering multiply pages of indigestible text. The case as presented to the court on paper was a constitutional challenge to the statutory scheme comprised in ss 25(1) and 25A of Cap 455. But the arguments were not so directed. They were aimed at discrediting the so-called No Consent regime or the LNC scheme. But these were just labels. They created no rights or liabilities giving rise to justiciable issues and practical relief. No wonder the judgment dissolved into clouds of words. At para 6.44 the judge sets out Senior Counsel’s arguments covering three full pages; and at para 6.44 (f) the reader is asked to study the Canadian Criminal Code, sections 462.31 and 462.33, and “the useful summary” of the Canadian regime in AG of Quebec v Laurent Laroche and Garage Cote [2002] 3 SCR 708 at paras 23-46. And there are many other pieces of reading from Australian sources, and New Zealand sources (covering more than half the page). Had the judge read any of them? What did he make of them? How were they relevant to any issue he had to resolve? No one knows. The reading list is simply left in the air. The oddity of this approach is even greater when, at para 6.51, one finds the judge saying: “…..a comparison with the anti-money laundering provisions in other countries is not appropriate. As Mr McCoy had submitted, it is not helpful to refer to these provisions without an understanding of the vast landscape of powers available to those jurisdictions with anti-money laundering and anti-terrorist financing measures”.
      The “No Consent Scheme” was an abstraction, a label given to a highly flexible arrangement between the police and the banks, not amenable to judicial review. What was put before the court for debate was a constructed narrative, not a real case. Counsel was tilting at windmills, and the court solemnly dealt with this farcical exercise.

The Core Issue Side -Stepped
The core issue before the court was this: Were ss 25(1) and 25A of Cap 455 compatible with Articles 6 and 105 of the Basic Law (articles requiring the HKSAR to protect property)? That, at any rate, was how the matter was formulated at the beginning of Cheung JA’s judgment. By the end of the judgment, that had been forgotten and the matter had shrunk to whether the “no consent scheme” was constitutional.
     Godfrey Lam J, in his short judgment, tried to salvage something from the wreckage. He said this (para 11.2):
“The applicants’ main argument before us boils down to the contention that the consent regime found in ss 25 and 25A OSCO was deficient in not providing for an express fixed time limit after which the “informal freeze” would expire and cease …….It is true that OSCO does not lay down any express expiry time for the informal freeze. But equally it contains nothing that prevents the authorities from exercising their powers in a way that common law principles and respect for the property rights protected by Articles 6 and 105 of the Basic Law may require, or impedes the courts from giving relief where there is a failure by the authorities, in any particular case. The applicants have in my view failed to demonstrate that the consent regime systematically mandates a result that is incompatible with the Basic Law such that the relevant provisions should be declared unconstitutional”.
Yuen JA said she agreed with both judgments, whatever that meant.  And thus it was that the appeal was dismissed.
     Did the Interush Judgment Establish a Precedent?  Had the Court of Appeal in Interush firmly ruled that the statutory scheme under s 25 and s.25A was constitutional? It appeared so. Was there a lacuna in the law which lawyers were able to exploit ? They took it as such, and this promptly led to the next case.

B. Tam Sze Leung v Commissioner of Police [2021] HKCFI 3118 (Coleman J)
The Facts
This case concerns a family of four. They had accounts with various leading banks in Hong Kong. The total value of the accounts was around HK$30 million to $40 million (including cash and assets of fluctuating value).
     Some time in the past (the judgment is imprecise as to dates) the family came under suspicion of offences contrary to the Securities and Futures Ordinance (Cap 571) and their premises were searched. On 25 November 2020, the Securities and Futures Commission (SFC) referred the matter to the police for investigation. On 27 November, the JFIU alerted the banks to this fact and asked the banks to file STRs, asking them to suspend the operation of the accounts. The banks filed their STRs at various dates, and these were first referred to the Financial Investigation Division of the police which, after examination, asked the JFIU to issue LNCs on dates between 1 and 17 December 2020.
     When the successive accounts got suspended by the banks, the applicants consulted solicitors. By letter dated 8 December, the solicitors asked the police whether LNCs had been issued and to provide the legal basis for issuing them. In reply the police told the solicitors that the applicants were “currently under investigation by Financial Investigations Division, Narcotics Bureau for a case of Dealing with property known or believed to represent proceeds of indictable offence” and asked the solicitors to ask their clients to contact the police. The applicants never did so.
    On 4 March 2021, the applicants were arrested for “money-laundering”; they remained silent under questioning and were released on police bail. The investigation continued. In April, production orders were obtained and served on 29 entities including banks and security firms. Over 10,000 pages of material were produced.
     On 11 October, restraint orders were made, ex parte, by a High Court judge on the accounts, with a return date for an inter partes hearing on 13 December 2021.  In consequence of the restraint orders, the LNCs were withdrawn by the police.

Application for Leave to Start Judicial Review Proceedings
Way back in February 2021, the applicants had applied ex parte to the High Court for leave to start proceedings against the Commissioner of Police. This was entertained by Chow J. He shirked the responsibility of deciding whether the applicants had an arguable case; this was surprising, as he must have had before him the Court of Appeal’s judgment in Interush (delivered back in January 2019, which seemed to cover the same grounds as the matter before him). Chow J ordered a “rolled up” hearing: that is to say, that the Commissioner of Police should be heard as to whether there was an arguable case against him.

Abuse of Process
The process is strictly governed by rules. Order 53 Rule 3(2) says that an application must be made ex parte in Form 86 which must contain, among other matters, “the relief sought and the grounds on which it is sought”.  The relief sought would be in a few words; for example, certiorari, an order to quash a decision or action on the ground of procedural unfairness, or ultra vires, excess of jurisdiction, or gross unreasonableness etc. There are only a handful of grounds, known to the law, on which a challenge to the exercise of executive authority can be made. This is fundamental to the separation of powers. It is not the business of the courts to run the government of the Hong Kong SAR.
     As to a “constitutional challenge” to statute law, often referred to as a “systemic challenge”, there can only be two platforms: the Hong Kong Bill of Rights and the Basic Law. Hence, a properly completed Form 86 cannot possibly constitute more than one or two sheets of A4 paper. Where there are multiple grounds it is a certainty that the application has no real focus and is an abuse of the process.
     Here, according to Coleman J’s judgment, “the Form 86 comprised over 60 pages of closely typed description and argument …..”. Why Chow J did not dismiss the application out of hand, but ordered a “rolled up” hearing instead, is incomprehensible. It was an abuse of process staring the judge in the face.

Coleman J commented as follows:
“The recent culture in the context of judicial review proceedings for there to be excessive prolixity and complexity, in what are supposed to be concise grounds for judicial review, as often as not serves to conceal rather than illuminate the essence of the case being advanced”.
“Conceal rather than illuminate the essence of the case being advanced” indeed !

The Jumble of Garbled Arguments
Coleman J heard the matter on 19 and 20 October 2021, by which time some eight months had passed since Chow J had dealt with the matter. Much had happened on the ground, which made of the hearing even more of a farce.
     Not only was Coleman J faced by a Court of Appeal judgment which had a binding effect on him, there were also two significant events affecting the judicial review. One, the applicants had been arrested, and two, restraint orders had been made on the accounts a week before the hearing, and the LNCs had been withdrawn.
     What possible standing could the applicants have to maintain their application for relief when Coleman J began the hearing on 19 October 2021?  Undeterred, the judge soldiered on, and produced a 79-page judgment which no-one could possibly understand.

The Grounds for Relief
Stripped of verbiage, the grounds set out in the judgment boiled down to three:
One, the issue of the LNCs by the police was tainted by procedural unfairness.

Two, the “No Consent Regime” was not authorized by ss 25 and 25A of Cap 455.

Three, the statutory scheme under s 25 and 25A violated constitutional protection of private property under Articles 6 and 105 of the Basic Law.
     As regards One, that was an absurdity. Counsel’s argument was that a suspect must be given an opportunity to make representations to the police before LNCs are issued. To catch a thief, the police must first tell him they are about to set out to catch him.
     As regards Two, the judge said there were two concerns: “(1) the true extent of the Commissioner’s powers to freeze funds held at banks, outside the statutory regime providing for obtaining restraint orders granted by the High Court and (2) the sufficiency of safeguards over any such powers”.
     To talk of the “Commissioner’s powers to freeze funds” is to grossly distort and misrepresent the mechanism governing the relationship between the police and the banks. The prime feature of that relationship is flexibility – which the judge himself acknowledged later on in his judgment. He said (para 53):
“…the consent regime gives the police operational freedom to grant relief from criminal liability in circumstances where it is considered to be in the interests of law enforcement to do so, such as avoiding a suspected criminal becoming aware of the suspicions, or permitting a controlled transfer to take place so that funds can be traced for investigative purposes…”
In sending out an LNC the police is not “exercising power” of any kind. If the account is suspended, the “freezing” is done by the bank concerned, not the police.
     Earlier on, the judge had referred to the “fundamental right” of suspects to use their own property in the “form of funds held in a bank account” (para 5). “Fundamental right”? That is absurd. An account-holder’s right is a contractual right; the right of a creditor (the account holder) vis-a-vis the debtor (the bank). If nothing else were said, the account holder would have a right to withdraw the sum held on demand. But there could be strings attached, depending on the terms under which the sums are held. But with that misconception in mind at the outset, no wonder the judgment got tangled up with counsel’s arguments.
     The huge volume of submissions by counsel, and the citation of overseas cases, boiled down to one thing: that there exists no theoretical time limit for the duration of LNCs. But, in so far as one can find the core determination of the Court of Appeal’s judgment in Interush it is set out in Patrick Li J’s judgment which was upheld by that court: 
“It may minimize dispute if time limits are set out in the law. This however is a matter of social choice after balancing the rights of an individual and the public interest in crime prevention and law enforcement. Ultimately, it is the decision of the Legislative Council. It is impossible for this court to decide what is the appropriate time limit”.
It is binding on Coleman J at first instance. Notwithstanding this, he found “the No Consent Regime as operated by the Commissioner is ultra vires” (para 93).
      As to Three, that is an absurdity. Under the statutory regime in ss 25 and 25A of Cap 455 the court is dealing with suspected proceeds of serious crime. To think that Articles 6 and 105 could extend to protect such property is to make mock of the Basic Law. Yet the judge devoted tens of pages of his judgment to this issue. Ultimately he found that the No Consent Regime as operated by the Commissioner is not “prescribed by law” (para 118) and that it failed “the proportionality assessment” (para 160), presumably striking down the entire statutory scheme in ss 25 and 25A, though he did not say so, provisions which the Court of Appeal appears to have ruled as constitutional.

The Outcome
If the judgment made sense, why did the judge not make orders appropriate to his determinations? The reader is left reeling by this stage.  In para 168 (page 78) the judge said this:
“Mr Chan (counsel for the applicants) and Mr Dawes (counsel for the Commissioner) are in agreement that there can usefully be a further round of submissions on relief, once the parties have had the opportunity to consider this judgment. At the same time, I can deal with any other consequential matters as might arise”.
Is this effective administration of law, or is this – once again – a case where the court becomes a debating chamber and the weight of a judgment is measured by the volume of words rather than the effect of remedies? Earlier in his judgment, Coleman J referred to “the recent culture in the context of judicial review proceedings” where “excessive prolixity and complexity” plague the process.
     The judge offered no relief at the conclusion of his 79-page judgment, and invited a “further round of submissions”. In the meanwhile, what is the Commissioner supposed to do? To suspend all operations under ss 25 and 25A of Cap 455 ? Or to treat the judgment simply as a jumble of words, of no practical consequence?

Post Script
Not surprisingly, the parties found themselves entangled in a sticky web of words, after the determination was handed down on 30 December 2021. There was no “judgment” or “order” on which the Commissioner could lodge an appeal. So time for appeal had not begun. But, out of an abundance of caution, the Commissioner lodged an application on 19 January 2022, seeking an extension of time to enable an appeal to be lodged “28 days from the date of the Court’s decision on relief, costs and consequential matters”.
    The matter went before Coleman J, who made no order on that application. He said that the time for filing any notice of appeal had not begun. He then added: there was “no relevant final form of order made, from which any appeal might lie”.
     And thus the matter rests. Just a jumble of words. A dead letter. Presumably the Commissioner and the banks will continue to deal, as they have done in the past, under the framework of ss 25 and 25A of the Ordinance, regardless of what the judge had said.

The Rule of Law
The rule of law requires effective action, not just words. Its focus is always on remedies. A courtroom is not a coffee house, where arguments and suppositions are freely traded. It is a venue for the determination of rights and liabilities. A court, acting properly, never acts in vain.
     This case brings into sharp focus the deep-seated malaise in the Judiciary. At times judges seem to forget their own constitutional role and justify their actions by deferring to counsel. The practice is not only demeaning; it compromises Hong Kong’s future.
      The White Paper issued by the Central Government in December last year is an extremely important document for Hong Kong. It sets the course firmly for the principle of One Country Two Systems to apply in the long term.
      At the heart of the Hong Kong system is the rule of law; that is to say, the common law as practised in the courts. The question will soon be asked: Is it capable of vigorous and effective implementation of the principle of One Country Two Systems ? Is it fit for purpose?

Wednesday, December 15, 2021

Former Chief Justice of Hong Kong Addresses Graduating Class of 2021 (HKU Law)

Vice President and Pro-Vice Chancellor, Dean of the Faculty of Law, Distinguished Guests, Professors, Graduands, Ladies and Gentlemen, it is a great honour to be asked to say a few words at today’s Convocation.  The main purpose of these proceedings is the conferment of degrees and to wish many well-deserved congratulations to the graduands, soon to be graduates, from the Faculty of Law.  Please allow me first to offer you my warmest congratulations; you have all made great achievements.
     This is of course a proud day for you, your family, loved ones and your friends.  It is, however, also a particularly significant one for the community for the simple, but indisputable, reason that it is you who represent the future of that cornerstone of the community that is the rule of law.  This is your responsibility and, now more than ever before, the community looks to you for guidance, because if lawyers do not understand or cannot articulate the meaning of the rule of law, there would be cause for concern.  What follows are some brief ideas that I hope will encourage you to think more about the rule of law and to enable you to explain to others what it means.
     A society that has as fundamental characteristics the four pillars of fairness, respect, tolerance and compromise is one that is rooted in the rule of law.  These four pillars represent the law both in theory and in practice, and the very definition of justice itself is contained in these four concepts. I emphasise that although the law of course involves the use of the tools of reason, theory and concept, it is not a discipline similar to philosophy or metaphysics: the law and the way that it works in practice (also known as the administration of justice) are extremely relevant, indeed crucial, to the way a community can properly function.  We easily see this in the daily work of the courts: criminal trials, the resolution of civil disputes, the handling of family problems.  There is no clearer demonstration of the concept that the content of the law indeed follows society.
     But the opposite is also true: that society reflects the law.  Here, what is meant is not so much that the content of society’s norms matches that of individual laws (in truth, this potential “chicken and egg” conundrum is perhaps answered by taking the view that the content of laws is dictated by the needs of society).  Rather, the notion that society reflects the law is really another way of focusing one’s attention on whether there exists in a society what we call the rule of law.  The practical significance of the rule of law in any society is the identification of the different facets of the operation of the law (such as its contents, its enforcement, the involvement of the main players in its administration among others) and then to test its integrity against reality.
     The rule of law and its importance to our community in Hong Kong should always be uppermost in the minds of those who are versed in the law, and whatever your future involvement in it, whether as legal practitioners or otherwise, this is something you must always think about and be prepared to talk about.  I have realised in my nearly 50 years involvement in the law (from beginning my studies until now) that the rule of law is worth discussing and standing up for.
     I have long maintained that it is incumbent on us as lawyers to promote in the community a proper understanding of the rule of law, given its vital importance.  It is of critical importance that all of you today firmly grasp the importance of the law and fully understand it.  If you were asked to explain the rule of law, what should you say?  One starts with fundamentals.  The fundamentals of the rule of law boil down to the existence and recognition of the rights and freedoms of members of a community, and their enforcement by an independent judiciary.  It is, however, important to remember that at the heart of the rule of law is not only a recognition of the rights of the individual but an acknowledgment of the rights of others.  We can thus see a direct link between the rule of law and the concept of a sense of community.
     It is impossible to begin to evaluate the rule of law in Hong Kong in a vacuum.  It can only be understood in context and the starting point here must be the Basic Law, the constitutional document that provides a blueprint for Hong Kong.[1] The Basic Law does not just set out guaranteed rights and freedoms.  It also contains provisions dealing with the legal system (the common law system), the structure of the courts, the legal profession, the qualification of judges etc.  You are all familiar with the Basic Law but I would like to lay emphasis on the concept of an independent judiciary contained in it; this is iterated and reiterated in three articles.[2] It is worthwhile spending a little time reflecting on this concept, for the independence of the judiciary is nowadays much discussed but quite often not fully understood.  This concept is directly relevant to all of you who will become lawyers: lawyers are officers of the court and owe duties to the administration of justice. 
     In discussing the independence of the judiciary, we must look at the matter holistically.  The infrastructure of Hong Kong’s legal system -that is, the position on paper- is easily identifiable: it is contained in the Basic Law and in our statutes and, fulfilling one of the requirements of the rule of law, they are accessible to the public.  But just as important as the infrastructure, one must also analyse arguably the more important question of whether the reality matches the theory.  Thus, for example, one must ask just how real and effective are the rights and freedoms, and the principles and institutions referred to in and mandated by the Basic Law?  It is by undergoing such analysis and asking these questions that one begins to, as I have earlier put it, test the integrity of the rule of law in Hong Kong.
     The real test of whether reality matches the theory is to see how the courts actually deal with the day-to-day business of adjudicating disputes, how they discharge in practice their constitutional responsibilities and just how transparent their work is.  In this context, the type of case that often provides useful case studies are those cases that engage the public interest, such as public law cases.  Public law cases provide perhaps the best examples because very often, they involve controversial issues where the court is faced with a number of diametrically opposite views, each of which is passionately held and all of which may appear to be entirely reasonable.  In most other areas of the law, the answer to a legal problem is often fairly clearcut, even though getting there may at times be complex.  In the area of public law, however, and in particular cases which involve issues of constitutional importance, very often the interest of the public in general is engaged.  Here, the views of the public (and I include here the government as well) will be as diverse as the society itself in which the legal dispute before the court originates.
     The way in which courts deal with such issues – and I am not here referring to the actual result of any litigation – is critical.  It is critical because the way in which a court approaches such cases – its methodology and most important of all, its reasoning – will demonstrate whether those principles which provide the foundation of our legal system, have been applied.
     Here, an independent judiciary is key.  The concept of the independence of the judiciary is of course not a political concept or theory.  Rather, it is the embodiment of the judicial approach and indeed of the administration of justice itself.  The meaning of an independent judiciary is reflected in the Judicial Oath taken by judges.  The precise words may differ from jurisdiction to jurisdiction but the effect is the same.  In Hong Kong, the Judicial Oath requires each judge to adhere to the law in discharge of their duties.  Judges are required “to act in full accordance with the law, honestly and with integrity, safeguard the law and administer justice without fear or favour, self interest or deceit”.  You may think it unnecessary to dwell on this for it is so obvious but it is not necessarily evident to some people and it therefore becomes necessary to be constantly reminded of it.  The fundamental starting point of the judicial approach is equality.  When judges decide cases, of course the parties before them matter (after all they are the reason for the litigation in the first place) but their identities, and their status (even if or especially if they are the government) do not.  All are equal before the law; no one is above it.
     Many of you who graduate today will no doubt, particularly in a commercial centre like Hong Kong, become commercial lawyers.  However, in serving commerce and the business community, is it relevant to talk about the rule of law ?  After all, commercial law is surely more about commercial principles and certainty rather than the application of vague constitutional concepts? The link between economic considerations on a local and global scale (meaning business, trade and investment) and the rule of law may not at first sight be easy to grasp.  Many only see the link in somewhat narrow terms; that the relevance of the rule of law to economics is merely the existence of an economic or business friendly legal environment.  Accordingly, a jurisdiction that had the rule of law was one in which laws were certain and where the law complemented economic activities.  Characteristics of such jurisdictions would then include the following:-
     (1) Sound commercial principles developed by the courts which not only determined in a just way disputes between parties at odds with one another but also which provided invaluable precedents to guide the way commercial people should conduct their affairs
     (2) Statute and laws relevant to business are publicly made and accessible.
     (3) The existence of courts which meet the needs of the business community so that, in the words of Devlin J (later Lord Devlin), the courts “may solve the disputes of commercial [persons] in a way which they understand and appreciated.”[3]   
     (4) Further, not only should there exist a sophisticated court structure for the effective resolution of commercial disputes, there should also be in tandem alternative forms of dispute resolution.  Arbitration and mediation are the principal institutions in this regard.
     So far, in terms of legal philosophy, what I have just articulated accords broadly speaking with what many call the “thin type” of the rule of law.  However, is this really the full extent of what we in society, or even only the business community or international investors, expect from the rule of law?  Well, I suppose that just as there will be different types of businesspersons or investors (some are short term speculators, others medium term, still some others into long term investments), different points of view will be held.  But this is an unsatisfactory answer and really provides very little insight into the question I have just posed.  My own belief is that any place where businesspersons, traders and investors are to be found, must have a sound legal foundation.  Such legal foundation clearly means the existence of the rule of law in the relevant place.  And the rule of law in this context means primarily the existence of those fundamentals I have earlier identified.  But why is this so important for commerce and business?  The answer lies in the fact that commerce, business and the investment that goes with them require a sound legal foundation to be in place.  The legal system then assumes immense importance.  In a jurisdiction like Hong Kong where the principle of equality before the law is a key concept, due recognition of this in reality will inevitably promote economic development and investment.  All who deal in commerce and business wish to be treated equally when it comes to the enforcement of legal rights.  Being treated in an arbitrary way is the exact opposite to being treated equally.  Being treated arbitrarily is the exact reverse of what the rule of law seeks to achieve.
     As you enter a new and exciting chapter in your lives, there is much to look forward to and I, together with many others, wish you much success and happiness.  But always remember that apart from yourselves and your families, you are also a part of the community.  Take pride in our community and in turn the community will be proud of you.  Once again, I offer all of you my warmest congratulations.

[1] Its full title is the Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China. And, as the Preamble states, the document ensures the implementation of the basic policies of the PRC regarding Hong Kong.
[2] Articles 2, 19 and 85.
[3] St John Shipping Corporation v Joseph Rank Ltd [1957] QB 267, at 289.

Thursday, October 21, 2021

New Book: The Rule of Law Under Fire? by Emeritus Professor Raymond Wacks (Hart Publishing)

The Rule of Law Under Fire?
Raymond Wacks ( Emeritus Professor of Law and Legal Theory at the University of Hong Kong)
Hart Publishing
Published on 21 October 2021
Summary: Does the rise of populism, authoritarianism, and nationalism threaten the welfare of the rule of law? Is this fundamental democratic ideal under siege?
     In this timely and important book, Raymond Wacks examines the philosophical roots of the rule of law and its modern, often contentious, interpretation. He then investigates 16 potential ideological, economic, legal, and institutional dangers to the rule of law. They range from the exercise of judicial and administrative discretion and parliamentary sovereignty, to the growth of globalisation, the 'war on terror', and the disquieting power of Big Tech. He also considers the enactment and enforcement in several countries of Draconian measures to curtail the spread of COVID-19, which has generated fears that these emergency powers may outlive the pandemic and become a permanent feature of the legal landscape, thereby impairing the rule of law.
      Wacks identifies which issues among this extensive array pose genuine risks to the rule of law, and suggests how they might be confronted to ensure its defence and preservation.

Reviews: 
“It is a welcome reminder of both the value of the rule of law and its fragility in the face of grave challenges … We travel in competent hands from the ancient philosophical foundations of the rule of law to an appraisal of the primary questions arising about its health in the modern world. This highly readable text will appeal not only to lawyers and legal theorists but to many others who wish to reflect on these important issues.” – TRS Allan, Professor of Jurisprudence and Public Law, University of Cambridge, UK

“The rule of law has come under strain from multiple directions, as skilfully charted by Raymond Wacks, who provides interesting and informed insights as to the nature of such tensions and their interaction.” – Paul Craig, Emeritus Professor of English Law, University of Oxford, UK

“One of our most impressive legal theorists, Raymond Wacks has written a wonderful small book that successfully illuminates a large number of pressing legal and political questions ... A wonderful synthesis of legal theory with real-world political and social analysis that I strongly recommend to anyone with an interest in the rule of law and its uncertain fate.” – William E Scheuerman, James H Rudy Professor of Political Science, Indiana University, USA

“With seasoned pen and lucid prose, Raymond Wacks continues his lifelong journey of grappling with new and old challenges to the rule of law. The result is something rare in legal scholarship – accessible erudition.” – Albie Sachs, former Justice of the Constitutional Court of South Africa

“Raymond Wacks is rightly concerned that integrity, democracy and legality are under siege in our world. By reference to key concepts that help him to illustrate his proposition, he helps to explain how the rule of law is not the same concept as the law of rules. It must have a foundation resting on deep values … Raymond Wacks carefully and accurately defines the concept for today's world … And he affords us a roadmap by which we can invigorate, defend and strengthen this key concept of human freedom.” – The Hon Michael Kirby AC CMG, former Justice of the High Court of Australia

“Raymond Wacks' short and readable book does a lot more than offer a spirited defence of the rule of law at a time when it is 'under fire'. He articulates simply and clearly his own theory of the rule of law in a discussion of the complex philosophical debates about it, and then vindicates that theory through showing its application to topics as different as 'capitalism', 'emergencies' and 'globalization'. An astonishing achievement!” – David Dyzenhaus, University Professor of Law and Philosophy, University of Toronto, Canada

“Wacks shows [that] the Rule of Law embrac[es] notions of justice ... [and] is indispensable to a society that claims to be democratic ... The book is a timely reminder of the threats we face on many fronts and of the need for vigilance in defence of the Rule of Law.” – John Dugard, Professor of Law Emeritus, University of the Witwatersrand, South Africa and Leiden University, the Netherlands

Saturday, July 31, 2021

Principal Lecturer SK Lee Joins HKU Law in Teaching HK Legal System and the Rule of Law in a Globalizing World

HKU Law Welcomes the Principal Lecturer Ms SK Lee!
 
SK Lee

Biography

SK joined the Faculty of Law as a Principal Lecturer in 2021 and teaches Hong Kong legal system and the rule of law in a globalising world. She obtained her BA in Jurisprudence from the University of Oxford and her Master in International and Public Affairs (MIPA) from the University of Hong Kong. She is qualified as a solicitor in England and Wales and in Hong Kong.

Prior to joining the Faculty, she has worked in the public sector for over 20 years, serving in different areas within the Hong Kong SAR Government, including among others international law and international legal cooperation, human rights and constitutional development, and intellectual property. Her last position in the Government was Deputy Solicitor General (Policy Affairs), Department of Justice from March 2018 to February 2021.

Research Area
  • Chinese Legal History
  • Public International Law
  • Public Law

Tuesday, July 13, 2021

Wexia Gu on China's Law and Development: a Case Study of the China International Commercial Court (Harvard International Law Journal)

Harvard International Law Journal, Volume 62, Special Issue
Published in 2021
Abstract: Established in 2018, the China International Commercial Court (CICC) represents a major step of China’s top-down effort in its capacity-building in terms of its national dispute resolution infrastructure, judicial personnel, as well as the ambition to create a Belt and Road lex mercatoria and legal harmonization.
Through a close examination of the legal framework of the CICC, this paper argues that the establishment of the CICC has showcased a shift in the paradigm in the Beijing Consensus in the context of law and development via a more active top-down, institutional and hard-law approach. The article argues that the shift in paradigm does not mean that China is necessarily moving away from or abandoning the norm-based soft-law approach. Instead, it is likely that both Yin (soft power) and Yang (hard power) of China’s law and development will be a complementary attempt in its overriding “Rule of Law China” (fazhi zongguo) vision. It is further argued that the establishment of the CICC will represent a reshaping and readjustment of the Beijing Consensus amidst the tension between Beijing’s Belt and Road Initiative and Washington’s Indo-Pacific Strategy, signifying a more determined and proactive mindset in the ideological tug of war in the realm of legal architecture and the international rule of law discourse.

Tuesday, October 6, 2020

New Book: Making Hong Kong China: The Rollback of Human Rights and the Rule of Law (Michael Davis)

Michael C. Davis (Visiting Professor)
Columbia University Press
Published in October 2020
166 pp.
Description: How can one of the world’s most free-wheeling cities transition from a vibrant global center of culture and finance into a subject of authoritarian control? As Beijing's anxious interference has grown, the “one country, two systems” model China promised Hong Kong has slowly drained away in the years since the 1997 handover. As “one country” seemed set to gobble up “two systems," the people of Hong Kong riveted the world’s attention in 2019 by defiantly demanding the autonomy, rule of law and basic freedoms they were promised. In 2020, the new National Security Law imposed by Beijing aimed to snuff out such resistance. Will the Hong Kong so deeply held in the people’s identity and the world’s imagination be lost? Professor Michael Davis, who has taught human rights and constitutional law in this city for over three decades, and has been one of its closest observers, takes us on this constitutional journey.  To view Democracy Digest's review of this book, click here.  The New Books Network podcast interviewed Professor Davis about his new book on 19 November 2020. To listen to the interview conducted by Ms Jane Richards (PhD candidate), click here.

Friday, March 20, 2020

New Book by Johannes Chan: Righteousness - The Rule of Law: Just Before the Dawn (正道‧法治 ─ 寫在黎明之前)

正道‧法治 ─ 寫在黎明之前 (Righteousness - The Rule of Law: Just Before the Dawn)
a sequel to 正道·大學 : 寫在風雨之後 (Righteousness - The Academia: After the Storm)
Published in January 2020
399 pp
Description: This book is about the rule of law and the challenges to the Hong Kong’s legal system. It comprises seven parts. Part 1, titled the Rule of Law, provides an introduction to some basic concepts about our legal system, such as the independence of the judiciary. Part 2, titled the Basic Law, examines some controversial issues about the Basic Law, such as the principles governing and the restraints on the power of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress to interpret the Basic Law, the doctrine of separation of powers, residual powers and the constitutional duties under Article 23 of the Basic Law. Part 3, on Selected Legal Issues, discusses some issues of public concern, such as academic freedom, colocation, civil disobedience, and a special section on a review of the controversies arising from the Extradition Bill. Part 4 focuses on the Courts. It discusses some interesting cases such as the oath case and the transgender case, and reflects on the strengths or weaknesses of our legal system. Part 5, titled Democracy, covers issues such as the core values of Hong Kong, clean and good governance, and the right to self-determination. Part 6 is on Occupy Central Movement. It provides a snapshot of the Occupy Central Movement and makes suggestions on what could be done to resolve the current crisis arising from the controversies over the anti-extradition Bill. The last part, Part 7 on China, discusses some major cases involving China, including the cases of Liu Xiaobo, Meng Wanzhou, sovereignty disputes over South Sea, and explores the difficulties that hinder the development of the rule of law in the Mainland. Through these discussions and commentaries, it is hoped that it will allow the readers to have a better understanding of these social and legal controversies, and in turn, a better understanding of the rule of law and our legal system.
(這本書集中談及法治和香港法制面臨的困境,全書共分為七部份:​第一部份為「法治篇」,希望為讀者提供一些對法制的基本認識。第二部份為「基本法篇」,當中涉獵一些相當具爭議的問題,例如人大釋法及釋法所應受到的限制、人大釋法的追溯力、三權分立及第二十三條立法的憲制責任等。​​第三部份為「專題篇」,集中討論一些特定議題,如學術自由、一地兩檢和公民抗命,亦有一個專門系列,反思《逃犯條例》風波的前因後果。​​第四部份為「法庭篇」,討論一些有趣或值得反思的案件,從中檢視我們的法律制度。​​第五部份為「民主篇」,談到香港的核心價值如廉潔及良好管治,對歷任特首的評價及從法律角度看何謂民族自決等。第六部份的「佔中篇」,由佔中談到《逃犯條例》風波,分析當中的前因後果及如何走出困局。最後一部份為「中國篇」,當中對一些具爭議的案件如劉曉波案的判詞作出評論,南海主權案,孟晩舟​案以至中國對《聯合聲明》的看法,從中探討中國當前在法治建設上的困局。透過這些評論,除令讀者可以對一些具爭議的案件及社會事件有多一個角度的了解,亦希望可以加深讀者對法治和我們的法律制度的認識。)

Thursday, March 5, 2020

New Book: China's National Security: Endangering Hong Kong's Rule of Law? (Cora Chan & Fiona de Londras)

China's National Security: Endangering Hong Kong's Rule of Law?
Editors: Cora Chan & Fiona de Londras
Hart Publishing
March 2020, 356 pp.
Description: All states are challenged by the need to protect national security while maintaining the rule of law, but the issue is particularly complex in the China–Hong Kong context. This timely and important book explores how China conceives of its national security and the position of Hong Kong. It considers the risks of introducing national security legislation in Hong Kong, and Hong Kong's sources of resilience against encroachments on its rule of law that may come under the guise of national security. It points to what may be needed to maintain Hong Kong's rule of law once China's 50-year commitment to its autonomy ends in 2047.
   The contributors to this book include world-renowned scholars in comparative public law and national security law. The collection covers a variety of disciplines and jurisdictions, and both scholarly and practical perspectives to present a forward-looking analysis on the rule of law in Hong Kong. It illustrates how Hong Kong may succeed in resisting pressure to advance China's security interests through repressive law. Given China's growing international stature, the book's reflections on China's approach to security have much to tell us about its potential impact on the global political, security, and economic order.
     This book is the output of a collaborative project based in the Centre for Comparative and Public Law.  Faculty contributors included Cora Chan, Albert Chen, Hualing Fu, Simon Young, Johannes Chan, Danny Gittings (PhD candidate) and Yash Ghai.

Cora Chan and Fiona de Londras on China's National Security in Hong Kong: A Challenge for Constitutionalism, Autonomy and the Rule of Law (new book chapter)

"Introduction: China's National Security in Hong Kong: A Challenge for Constitutionalism, Autonomy and the Rule of Law"
Cora Chan and Fiona de Londras
Introduction: For 30 years now, the Hong Kong people have persevered in holding an annual candlelight vigil on 4 June to commemorate the 1989 Tiananmen Square Massacre, urging the Chinese Government to admit it was wrong to perpetrate the massacre and to end one-party rule. Hong Kong is the only jurisdiction in China in which such a demonstration could openly take place. A former British colony and now a Special Administrative Region (SAR) of the People's Republic of China (PRC or China), since its return to Chinese sovereignty in 1997 Hong Kong has been governed under the framework of 'one country, two systems', which allows it to practice separate economic, legal and political systems from those on the mainland. The framework's aim is to preserve Hong Kong's distinctiveness vis-a-vis China, including its liberal rule of law tradition, which remains strong after more than two decades of Chinese rule. Yet, given China's intensifying national security advances and rising economic stature, real questions arise about how much longer, and by what means, this tradition can persist.
     In this book we aim to explore those questions, understanding them through the prism of the query suggested by its title - Does China's national security endanger Hong Kong's rule of law? - by investigating whether, and if so how, China's national security can be protected without jeopardizing the rule of law in Hong Kong. From the perspective of both China and Hong Kong this is a vitally important question, not least because it goes to the heart of whether 'one country, two systems' is a viable model for governing the constitutional relationship between them in the long run. Although the opening up of China's economy has rendered the economic differences between China and Hong Kong much less apparent than when that governing model was first conceived, their legal traditions remain highly divergent. For many Hong Kong people the biggest challenge in implementing 'one country, two systems' has been maintaining Hong Kong's vibrant common law system, with its respect for human rights and the separation of powers, within the envelope of China's Leninist legal system. A solution to that challenge would resolve the broader question of how to make this constitutional model work. This is of wider significance for China: from its perspective what is at stake is not just the ability to govern Hong Kong and continue utilizing the territory to facilitate its market reforms, but also the prospect of reunification with Taiwan, for which the 'one country, two systems' model was originally designed. What is at stake for the seven million inhabitants of Hong Kong is not just the ability to maintain a separate legal system, but the very identity of Hong Kong, which has long defined itself by being what China is not. For Hong Kong people, without the rule of law, the territory seems destined to become 'just another Chinese city'.
     When it comes to security, the relationship between China and Hong Kong, and the functioning of 'one country, two systems' are especially challenging; on the one hand, China fears that security risks to the overall state may foment and find operational space in Hong Kong and thus insists that the Hong Kong Government introduce what it considers 'appropriate' security-related laws; on the other, people in Hong Kong fear the imposition of such laws in a way that undermines their civil liberties, including liberties on the basis of which Beijing can be challenged, organised against and subjected to public criticism. Both concerns have purchase, both point towards the very real difficulties of reconciling two fundamentally different dispositions towards law and legality within one overall national legal system.